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There was intense lobbying against Hani Shukrallah (in ahram and outside of it) whose policy many have discovered today, was not acceptable. He was not informed of that previously and he wasn't informed of his replacement.

There was intense lobbying against Hani Shukrallah (in ahram and outside of it) whose policy many have discovered today, was not acceptable. He was not informed of that previously and he wasn't informed of his replacement. This development is an exception to the changes that took place yesterday because all the other editors were above 65 and thus had to go. All the editors under 65 remained, except Shukrallah who is 55.

There was intense lobbying against Hani Shukrallah (in ahram and outside of it) whose policy many have discovered today, was not acceptable. He was not informed of that previously and he wasn't informed of his replacement. This development is an exception to the changes that took place yesterday because all the other editors were above 65 and thus had to go. All the editors under 65 remained, except Shukrallah who is 55.

a direct response to the attempts by the Freedom and Justice party to dominate public journalism institutions through the appointment of a new group of editors in chief for national newspapers using abusive and unprofessional standards which are seen as a continuation of the same restrictions and practices as those followed during the Mubarak era.

threats by the Minister of Investment to withdrawal broadcasting licenses from private television stations

support for the relative gains in freedoms attained after a long struggle that began prior to the Revolution, especially in the field of journalism and media. This struggle was bolstered by the courage of many journalists and media professionals throughout the revolution and beyond

Journalist Belal Fadl said on Sunday that Al-Shorouk has refused to publish his new articles about Field Marshal Abdel Fattah al-Sisi and instead published an apology on his behalf without his knowledge.

"My articles were not banned under Mubarak, Tantawi or Mursi," Fadl said, adding that Sisi is not even president yet. 

In taking aim at the frenzy of support for Field Marshal Abdel Fattah al-Sisi, Bassem Youssef went further in his criticism of the army-backed political order than anyone else currently allowed on the airwaves.

"There's not another subject to talk about," he concluded, adding that he would flip through Egyptian television to find another topic. This led to a montage of Egyptians of all ages and various backgrounds, from talk show hosts to belly dancers, expressing their love for Sisi. When the clip ended, the heart surgeon-turned-comedian stuck a fake gun to his temple.

"We won't fear anyone," he said as the unmistakable profile of Sisi appeared behind him. "It's better we don't say anything about him," he said quickly. "That's not fear, that's respect." There is no need for political satire, he then told the audience, because "the world is stable and everything is stable in the country."

The demonstrators on Tuesday did the unthinkable: publicly burning the pictures of Gamal Mubarak, son of the president, who is suspected of being groomed to succeed his father. The issue is so sensitive that security forces rushed to confiscate footage shot by the cameras of Al Jazeera and the BBC. Nevertheless, the news spread like wildfire and some still photographs made their way to cyberspace.

the old tactics of muzzling public opinion may not be as efficient anymore

State TV even promised to be more truthful in its reporting.

Hisham Qassam, who publishes several independent Egyptian papers, said state media could even fade away if a new government cuts off funding. "It's a slow demise, it could take over a year," he said. "But it's over, it's finished."

Meanwhile, new Vice President Omar Suleiman said Mr Mubarak had asked him to open dialogue with all political parties on constitutional reform.

In its statement, carried on Egyptian media, the military said: "To the great people of Egypt, your armed forces, acknowledging the legitimate rights of the people... have not and will not use force against the Egyptian people."

The US state department has despatched a special envoy to Cairo, former ambassador to Egypt Frank Wisner, to urge Egyptian leaders to embrace political change.

There were several elements about this unprecedented political event that stood out. First was the secularism of the whole affair. Women in chadors and niqabs and scarves walked happily beside girls with long hair flowing over their shoulders, students next to imams and men with beards that would have made Bin Laden jealous. The poor in torn sandals and the rich in business suits, squeezed into this shouting mass, an amalgam of the real Egypt hitherto divided by class and regime-encouraged envy. They had done the impossible – or so they thought – and, in a way, they had already won their social revolution.

There I was, back on the intersection behind the Egyptian Museum where only five days ago – it feels like five months – I choked on tear gas as Mubarak's police thugs, the baltigi, the drug addict ex-prisoner cops, were slipped through the lines of state security policemen to beat, bludgeon and smash the heads and faces of the unarmed demonstrators, who eventually threw them all out of Tahrir Square and made it the Egyptian uprising. Back then, we heard no Western support for these brave men and women. Nor did we hear it yesterday.

They supported democracy. We supported "stability", "moderation", "restraint", "firm" leadership (Saddam Hussein-lite) soft "reform" and obedient Muslims.

"We felt it was important for an Arab country to join and because other Arab countries were not involved militarily, we felt we should," Gen. Mubarak al-Khayanin, the Qatari Air Force chief of staff, said in an interview Sunday at Souda."We are physically small country, but with leadership comes responsibility," he said. "Certain countries like Saudi Arabia and Egypt haven't taken leadership for the last three years. So we wanted to step up and express ourselves, and see if others will follow."

The decisions by Qatar and UAE to join the coalition in Libya reflect their strong traditional ties to the United States and their desires to play a more active role internationally.

Qatar's rulers bankrolled the launch of Al Jazeera, arguably the Arab world's most influential news channel and a lightning rod for criticism from the region's autocrats. The network covered the recent Arab uprisings earlier and more extensively than Western news channels, and is renewing its push to get the channel's English-language division onto U.S. cable systems.Qatar has acted as peace broker in Lebanon and Sudan, and has sent humanitarian aid to both Chile and Haiti after earthquakes there in 2010. Qatar's capital, Doha, hosts several branches of American universities and the Middle East headquarters for the U.S. Army's Central Command.Karasik said the Libya intervention is yet another example of Qatar's desire to become "a foreign policy powerhouse."