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Message on the Twentieth Anniversary of Tiananmen SquareHillary Rodham Clinton Secretary of State Washington, DC June 3, 2009On this the 20th anniversary of the violent suppression of demonstrations in Tiananmen Square by Chinese authorities, we should remember the tragic loss of hundreds of innocent lives and reflect upon the meaning of the events that preceded that day. Hundreds of thousands of protesters took to the streets for weeks, in Beijing and around the country, first to honor the late reformist leader Hu Yaobang and then to demand basic rights denied to them.A China that has made enormous progress economically, and that is emerging to take its rightful place in global leadership, should examine openly the darker events of its past and provide a public accounting of those killed, detained or missing, both to learn and to heal. This anniversary provides an opportunity for Chinese authorities to release from prison all those still serving sentences in connection with the events surrounding June 4, 1989. We urge China to cease the harassment of participants in the demonstrations and begin dialogue with the family members of victims, including the Tiananmen Mothers. China can honor the memory of that day by moving to give the rule of law, protection of internationally-recognized human rights, and democratic development the same priority as it has given to economic reform.

In fact, this debate on the premier’s crying should not be a trivial matter. Its poignancy and enormous political implications have been closely related to Wen’s former mentor, Zhao Ziyang, the CCP general secretary who famously cried in Tiananmen Square, begging the protesters to leave the place that would soon become an intended killing field. If Zhao were not indecisive or did not cry in Tiananmen Square in 1989, or if he instead stood on top of a tank sympathetic to the pro-democracy forces—bravely commanding the tremendous force of the millions yearning for freedom, human rights, and for a change of the corrupt system, like Boris Yeltsin in the waning days of the Soviet Union—China may have already had a bold and visionary political leader and a brand new political reality. But in the final crucial moments that decided history, Moscow did not believe in tears, and Beijing did. A great historic opportunity was lost by Zhao for the complete lack of a strong and resolute visionary leader from within the power elite who alone could command the enormous political and military resources to change history. And now, as Zhao’s erstwhile protégé, Wen continues that legacy [7].

　　与G共舞11月26日报道　前几天，与G共舞网友 Marcher 网友投稿说，谷歌有这样一个风格，似乎很敏感哦！不过，我问了懂军事的同事，他说，这的坦克是美军的坦克，而且这是一个经典的商业广告图像，我们想歪了～

The games have been billed as China's "coming out party" to the world. They are far more significant than that. These Olympics are the coming out party for a disturbingly efficient way of organizing society, one that China has perfected over the past three decades, and is finally ready to show off. It is a potent hybrid of the most powerful political tools of authoritarianism communism -- central planning, merciless repression, constant surveillance -- harnessed to advance the goals of global capitalism. Some call it "authoritarian capitalism," others "market Stalinism," personally I prefer "McCommunism."

By next year, the Chinese internal security market is set to be worth $33-billion. Several of the larger Chinese players in the field have recently taken their stocks public on U.S. exchanges, hoping to cash in the fact that, in volatile times, security and defense stocks are seen as the safe bets. China Information Security Technology, for instance, is now listed on the NASDAQ and China Security and Surveillance is on the NYSE. A small clique of U.S. hedge funds has been floating these ventures, investing more than $150-million in the past two years. The returns have been striking. Between October 2006 and October 2007, China Security and Surveillance's stock went up 306 percent.

Ever since the 1989 Tiananmen Square Massacre, U.S. companies have been barred from selling police equipment and technology to China, since lawmakers feared it would be directed, once again, at peaceful demonstrators. That law has been completely disregarded in the lead up to the Olympics, when, in the name of safety for athletes and VIPs (including George W. Bush), no new toy has been denied the Chinese state.

Differences over a wide range of issues — from limits on live coverage in Tiananmen Square to allegations that freight shipments of TV broadcasting equipment are being held up in Chinese ports — surfaced in a contentious meeting late last month between Beijing organizers and high-ranking International Olympic Committee officials and TV executives — including those from NBC.In response to the complaints from broadcasters, Sun Weijia, head of media operations for the Beijing organizers, asked them to put it in writing, only to draw protests about mounting paperwork.

"I just wish to have a kind of document to help me identify the key points," he said, drawing immediate protest."How many times do we have to do that?" asked Manolo Romero, an Olympic broadcasting official.

胡温政府之所以能维持下去，全靠中华民族特别是爱国青年那举世无双、惊天动地的愚昧。若思指出，我说的不全面，除此之外我党的恐怖统治也是一个重要因素。当然如此。不过，愚以为，比起毛时代来，现代中共的恐怖统治已经极大地弱化了，起码普通百姓不再如我等当年一般，时时处处感受到具体而微的威胁，时时处处恐惧入骨。我党维护统治当然主要靠“强大的无产阶级专政”的暴力吓阻，然而唤起百姓的认同则全靠中华民族惊天动地的愚蠢——毕竟，党并没有用枪杆子威逼那些过来人上网现身说法，鼓吹“六四镇压必要论”吧？

Modern Chinese nationalism often veers between Mr. Coubertin's and Mr. Maurras's ideas of nationhood. Officially, the government likes to talk about friendship between peoples, and harmony and peace, while at the same time promoting an injured sense of historical Chinese victimhood at the hands of foreign powers. When demonstrations of Chinese nationalism run out of control, with or without official encouragement, the feeling of national hurt can turn to violent aggression. It has been happening of late in the U.S., among other places, when Chinese students attacked Tibetans, or indeed anyone who "offended the feelings of the Chinese people."

This type of official patriotism is based on a peculiarly skewed view of history. Rather than celebrate the high points of Chinese civilization, the emphasis falls entirely on suffering at the hands of foreigners. The sense of victimhood runs so deep that it is impossible for most Chinese to view themselves as aggressors. The idea that Tibetans, for example, might have some reason to see themselves as victims of the Chinese, is absurd. More than that, many Chinese genuinely believe that this type of Tibetan "propaganda" has been deliberately taken up by the Western press to inflict yet another humiliation on the Chinese people.

This does not mean, however, that democracy would be an automatic cure. In the unlikely event that China were suddenly to have a peaceful transformation to a liberal democracy, nationalism would not go away. No party seen to be soft on foreign powers, especially Japan and the U.S., would be. Modern Chinese history has been so bloody that the scars will take a long time to heal. Ethnic nationalism can be a kind of poison, especially when it is based on a feeling of victimhood. Political freedom should help to soothe such feelings in the long run, but this will not happen in time for the Beijing Olympics.

听上去很熟悉吧，熟悉得让人反感。有人问了，老杨，你怎么也玩起了“中国特色”？而且，你这话几乎就是从政府报告中挑出来的——   且慢，这话听上去熟悉，可绝对不是你知道的那句话，你知道的是中国特色的社会主义、社会主义特色的民主，或者中国特色的社会主义民主，和我的这句只有“中国特色”加上“民主”是完全两码事。

这里出一道智力题：请问亚洲平均人口身高最高的国家是哪一个？平均人口身高最矮的又是哪一个？答案分别是：南韩和北朝鲜。你看，民主虽然不是面包，但独裁国家显然很缺少面包。

大家不妨想两件事，第一件事是我爷爷告诉我的，清朝被民国推翻后，民国宣布要共和了，消息传到我们家乡，我们家乡到处一片哭声，他们不是怕共和，而是不想剪辫子。我可怜的父老乡情，他们从记事起，头上就有一条辫子，现在竟然有人要共和，要剪辫子，这还得了？当时那些发布要给人剪辫子的乡情都被父老兄弟们吐了口水。当然，现在我们家乡都不留辫子了，你们那里还留吗？

网站刚开通时，中国大陆的网友可以登录，但是没有过几个小时就被当局封锁了。

网站刚开通时，中国大陆的网友可以登录，但是没有过几个小时就被当局封锁了。 丁子霖说，"我们认为这个网站的建立对天安门母亲这个群体的继续抗争以及推动政府与我们对话都是有正面和积极作用的，所以我们不怕中国当局封我们的网站。我们要把我们的经历和诉求留在人间，留给历史，历史是封杀不住的。"

"这次汶川的地震即是天灾，也是人祸。经济是发展了，但是制度下的一些人祸不是靠你经济发展的素质，也不是靠从国外得到具有巨大诱惑力的订单所能解决的。"

那时我在五班，你在六班，我早听说过你，因为你学习好，物理老师特别喜欢你。 晚春，令人热血沸腾。初夏，血迹斑斑。那夜，你去了一个我们当时绝不相信会如此危险的地方，没有回来。你的同班同学跌撞着从尸体中爬出，跑回去给你的母亲报信。 你的母亲如何度过这十九年的，我无法想象。只当我自己做了母亲的时候，才明白那可能是何种痛苦—–我甚至仍然不知道，那是我连想都不敢想的。直到去年，她才被允许在复兴门地铁站的出口，为你放上一束花。

我一直没有去主动寻找你的母亲，给她那个拥抱和那束马蹄莲。但我知道，我并不因为懦弱、犬儒，就平安。危险是悬在每个生命头顶的。

而我，并不是在说政治，不是在说治国的是非对错。我说的是更根本的东西，人之为人最基本的、生存的权力。我不承认那种所谓以大局为重、不得不做的牺牲—–拿别人的性命。

心中的半旗 06月 4th, 2008 by hidecloud 虽然知道有生之年，可能都不会看到某一天能成为national级别的纪念日。 欣慰的是，始终还有些人与我一道，每年此时，在心中为某年某月某日的某些人默默哀悼。

“不要做克拉玛依的孩子，火烧痛皮肤让亲娘心焦 不要做沙兰镇的孩子，水底下漆黑他睡不着 不要做成都人的孩子，吸毒的妈妈七天七夜不回家 不要做河南人的孩子，艾滋病在血液里哈哈的笑 不要做山西人的孩子，爸爸变成了一筐煤，你别再想见到他 不要做中国人的孩子，饿极了他们会把你吃掉 还不如旷野中的老山羊，为保护小羊而目露凶光 不要做中国人的孩子，爸爸妈妈都是些怯懦的人 为证明他们的铁石心肠，死到临头让领导先走……”

周云蓬说，不要做中国人的孩子；我却说，不要做中国孩子的母亲。这都是“政治不正确”的“不爱国”的言论。但是，如果爱国爱到了母亲必须失去孩子，孩子必须离开母亲的地步，这样的爱谁能承受呢？

学者丁学良建议说，震后重建家园时，四川要给震灾中涌现的感人不朽的“善”行立碑，也要给震灾中暴露的不可饶恕的“丑”行立碑。为夺去了几千个孩子生命的“丑”立碑，是爱国主义价值观的体现：你若真爱这个国家，你不能不爱它的国民，不能不爱这个民族的未来——孩子们。他深情地呼吁说：“四川同胞们，如果我不建议你们建这座碑，我对不起你们。如果你们不建这座碑，你们对不起自己。”

The government now faces a tricky predicament: Having loosened its restraints on information flow this time, a return to its old ways at the next sign of difficulty could backfire. “The government should learn a positive lesson: When it allows freer information flow it is better for its image and legitimacy,” Mr. Xiao said. “But this will not always be a case, especially if the next crisis is man-made

China’s online censors can be merciless in their deletion of blog postings or forum comments that are deemed “too sensitive,” particularly involving anything to do with the so-called “Three T’s”: Tiananmen, Tibet and Taiwan. Post-earthquake negativity, though, has been tolerated. “Nine billion yuan [$1.3 billion] has been raised but how much will actually get to the disaster zone?” one skeptical commenter asked on a forum on Baidu, China’s leading search engine. Discussions focusing on discrepancies between the amount of donations declared by the Chinese Red Cross and the corresponding numbers issued by the Ministry of Civil Affairs also have met with minimal interference, Mr. Kennedy said. However, the government has not turned a blind eye. More than a dozen people have been arrested for “spreading rumors” online, and political blogger Guo Quan was detained for questioning the risks posed by cracked dams and damaged nuclear facilities.