Best content in Digital Ethnography at Kansas State University

INTRODUCTORY TEXTS FOR COURSE Boellstorff. T. Coming of Age in Second life (Princeton 2008) Cameron, F. & Kenderdine, S., Theorizing Digital Cultural Heritage: A Critical Discourse (MIT 2007) Horst, H. and Miller, D. The Cell Phone: An Anthropology of Communication (Berg 2006) Kalay, Y.E. et al, New Heritage: New Media and Cultural Heritage (Routledge, 2008) Ito. M et. al. Hanging Out, Messing Around, Geeking Out: Living and Learning with New Media. (MIT Press: forthcoming Kelty, C. Two Bits: the cultural significance of free software. (Duke 2008) Macdonald, S. & Basu, P., Exhibition Experiments (Blackwell 2007) Miller, D. and Slater, D. The Internet: an Ethnographic Approach (Berg 2001) Parry, R., Recoding the Museum: Digital Heritage and the Technologies of Change (Routledge, 2007) Tilley, C., Keane,W. Kuchler,S. Rowlands, M. Spyer, P. Handbook of Material Culture.(Sage 2006) Were, G. 'Out of touch? digital technologies, ethnographic objects and sensory orders'. In Chatterjee, H. (ed.) Touch in Museums (Berg 2008)
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David Toews on 17 Mar 09

Check out England's newest MA in Digital Anthropology!

<div class="cArrow"> </div><div class="cContentInner">Check out England's newest MA in Digital Anthropology! </div>

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The Anit-Masquerade Movement - 0 views

www.umich.edu/...anti.html anonymity anti.masquerade.movement

shared by kelly marshall on 16 Mar 09 - Cached

Like most functions which break barriers of class, gender, and ethnicity by challenging social norms, the eighteenth-century masquerade had strong and vocal opponents.
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"Middle-class moralist" such as Henry Fielding, Samuel Richardson and Eliza Haywood also aligned themselves with the anti-masquerade movement.
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through their fictional writing and artistic expression [3]
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Masked parties were only occasionally broken up by civil authorities
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. The Weekly Journal
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as a gathering of "Chamber-Maids, Cook-Maids, Foot-Men, and Apprentices" [5]
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it was more likely that the event had been hosted by those of the working class rather than by the more prominent people in England's "fashionable society."
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. Many opponents of the masquerade looked to the foreign influence of other European nations such as Italy and France and the Orient as the diabolical source of the "cultural epidemic" which they believed was invading both the morality and the national pride of England [7].
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"foreign Diversion" was a conspiracy on the part of foreign nations to neutralize the beauty of English women by forcing them to "hide their charms with a mask" [10].
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Weekly Journal another writer
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"conspiracy theories"
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equated attending the masquerade with the sexual act itself,
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female attendance at the masquerade was viewed as a heinous, criminal offence, though not condoned, male attendance was more or less tolerated by the critics of the masked balls.
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claimed that the tragedy of the Lisbon earthquake occurred as a result of the sin and corruption that had been infecting not only English culture but also the culture of the world for many years.
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As a result of these public outcries, the masquerades were forbidden to take place throughout the following year [15].
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In her comprehensive study on the eighteenth-century English masquerade, Masquerade and Civilization, Terry Castle explains that the discourse of the anti-masquerade movement which exposed the masquerade as "a threat to bourgeois decorum and national taxonomies" could actually help explain the cultural implications of the decline of the masquerade.
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