The other exception was that the sons of a helot could be enrolled as a syntrophos if a Spartiate formally adopted him and paid his way.
Others in the state were the Perioikoi, who were free inhabitants of Spartan territory but were non-citizens, and the helots
Descendants of non-Spartan citizens were not able to follow the agoge and Spartans who could not afford to pay the expenses of the Agoge could lose their citizenship.
Sparta could not readily replace citizens lost in battle
literally means city in Greek. It could also mean citizenship and body of citizens. In modern historiography "polis" is normally used to indicate the ancient Greek city-states, like Classical Athens and its contemporaries, so polis is often translated as "city-state.
, “Make love not war,” and then -- down at the bottom -- “Screw it, just make money.”
A Florida woman wrote to tell me that, before reading it, she’d always been annoyed at the poor for what she saw as their self-inflicted obesity.
. I started with my own extended family, which includes plenty of people without jobs or health insurance, and moved on to trying to track down a couple of the people I had met while working on Nickel and Dimed
widely read among low-wage workers. In the last few years, hundreds of people have written to tell me their stories: the mother of a newborn infant whose electricity had just been turned off, the woman who had just been given a diagnosis of cancer and has no health insurance, the newly homeless man who writes from a library computer.
t things have gotten much worse, especially since the economic downturn that began in 2008.
earned less than a barebones budget covering housing, child care, health care, food, transportation, and taxes -- though not, it should be noted, any entertainment, meals out, cable TV, Internet service, vacations, or holiday gifts. Twenty-nine percent is a minority, but not a reassuringly small one, and other studies in the early 2000s came up with similar figures.
-- the skipped meals, the lack of medical care, the occasional need to sleep in cars or vans -
The economy was growing, and jobs, if poorly paid, were at least plentiful.
many of these jobs had disappeared and there was stiff competition for those that remained
a healthy diet wasn’t always an option. And if I had a quarter for every person who’s told me he or she now tipped more generously, I would be able to start my own foundation.
and and was subsisting on occasional cleaning and catering jobs. Neither seemed unduly afflicted by the recessi
suicide a “coping strategy,” but it is one way some people have responded to job los
Media attention has focused, understandably enough, on the “nouveau poor” -- formerly middle and even upper-middle class people who lost their jobs, their homes, and/or their investments in the financial crisis of 2008 and the economic downturn that followed it, but the brunt of the recession has been borne by the blue-collar working class, which had already been sliding downwards since de-industrialization began in the 1980s.
were especially hard hit for the simple reason that they had so few assets and savings to fall back on as jobs disappea
cut back on health care.
e to moves and suspensions of telephone service
Food i
“food auctions,” which offer items that may be past their sell-by dates.
urban hunting. In Racine, Wisconsin, a 51-year-old laid-off mechanic told me he was supplementing his diet by “shooting squirrels and rabbits and eating them stewed, baked, and grilled.” In Detroit, where the wildlife population has mounted as the human population ebbs, a retired truck driver was doing a brisk business in raccoon carcasses, which he recommends marinating with vinegar and spices.
ncrease the number of paying people per square foot of dwelling space -- by doubling up or renting to couch-surfer
“people who’ve lost their jobs, or at least their second jobs, cope by doubling or tripling up in overcrowded apartments, or by paying 50 or 60 or even 70 percent of their incomes in rent.”
g members of my extended family, have given up their health insurance.
- a government safety net that is meant to save the poor from spiraling down all the way to destitutio
The food stamp program has responded to the crisis fairly well, to the point where it now reaches about 37 million people, up about 30% from pre-recession levels.
? There is a right to food stamps. You go to the office and, if you meet the statutory definition of need, they h
elp you. For welfare, the street-level bureaucrats can, pretty much at their own discretion, just say no.
Delaware residents who had always imagined that people turned to the government for help only if “they didn’t want to work.
ace a state-sponsored retraining course in computer repairs -- only to find that those skills are no longer in demand.
44% of laid-off people at the time, she failed to meet the fiendishly complex and sometimes arbitrary eligibility requirements for unemployment benefits. Their car started falling apart.
Temporary Assistance to Needy Families.
TANF does not offer straightforward cash support like Aid to Families with Dependent Children, which it replaced in 1996. It’s an income supplementation program for working parents, and it was based on the sunny assumption that there would always be plenty of jobs for those enterprising enough to get them.
When the Parentes finally got into “the system” and began receiving food stamps and some cash assistance, they discovered why some recipients have taken to calling TANF “Torture and Abuse of Needy Families.” From the start, the TANF experience was “humiliating,” Kristen says. The caseworkers “treat you like a bum. They act like every dollar you get is coming out of their own paychecks.”
40 jobs a week
miles a day to attend “job readiness” classes offered by a private company called Arbor, wh
were “frankly a joke.”
, “applying for welfare is a lot like being booked by the police.” There may be a mug shot, fingerprinting, and lengthy interrogations as to one’s children’s true paternity. The ostensible goal is to prevent welf
fraud, but the psychological impact is to turn poverty itself into a kind of crime.
The most shocking thing I learned from my research on the fate of the working poor in the recession was the extent to which poverty has indeed been criminalized in America.
Perhaps the constant suspicions of drug use and theft that I encountered in low-wage workplaces should have alerted me to the fact that, when you leave the relative safety of the middle class, you might as well have given up your citizenship and taken residence in a hostile nation.
Most cities, for example, have ordinances designed to drive the destitute off the streets by outlawing such necessary activities of daily life as sitting, loitering, sleeping, or lying down. Urban officials boast that there is nothing discriminatory about such laws: “If you’re lying on a sidewalk, whether you’re homeless or a millionaire, you’re in violation of the ordinance,” a St. Petersburg, Florida, city attorney stated in June 2009, echoing Anatole France’s immortal observation that “the law, in its majestic equality, forbids the rich as well as the poor to sleep under bridges...”
the criminalization of poverty has actually intensified as the weakened economy generates ever more poverty.
ordinances against the publicly poor has been rising since 2006, along with the harassment of the poor for more “neutral” infractions like jaywalking, littering, or carrying an open container.
ban on begging
grizzled 62-year-old, he inhabits a wheelchair and is often found on G Street in Washington, D.C. -- the city that is ultimately responsible for the bullet he took in the spine in Phu Bai, Vietnam, in 1972.
“They arrested a homeless man in a shelter for being homeless?”
, led by Las Vegas, passed ordinances forbidding the sharing of food with the indigent in public places, leadi
way to be criminalized by poverty is to have the wrong color skin. Indignation runs high when a celebrity professor succumbs to racial profiling, but whole communities are effectively “profiled” for the suspicious combination of being both dark-skinned and poor. Flick a cigarette and you’re “littering”; wear the wrong color T-shirt and you’re displaying gang allegiance. Just strolling around in a dodgy neighborhood can mark you as a potential suspect. And don’t get grumpy about it or you could be “resisting arrest.”
e government defunds services that might help the poor while ramping up law enforcement.
Shut down public housing, then make it a crime to be homeless. Generate no public-sector jobs, then penalize people for falling into debt.
The experience of the poor, and especially poor people of color, comes to resemble that of a rat in a cage scrambling to avoid erratically administered electric shocks. And if you should try to escape this nightmare reality into a brief, drug-induced high, it’s “gotcha” all over again, because that of course is illegal too.
r staggering level of incarceration,
g. And what public housing remains has become ever more prison-like, with random police sweeps and, in a growing number of cities, proposed drug tests for residents.
The safety net, or what remains of it, has been transformed into a dragnet.
official level of poverty increasing -- to over 14% in 2010 -- some states are beginning to ease up on the criminalization of poverty, using alternative sentencing methods, shortening probation, and reducing the number of people locked up for technical violations like missing court appointments. But others, diabolically enough, are tightening the screws: not only increasing the number of “crimes,” but charging prisoners for their room and board, guaranteeing they’ll be released with potentially criminalizing levels of debt.
a higher minimum wage, universal health care, affordable housing, good schools, reliable public transportation, and all the other things we, uniquely among the developed nations, have neglected to do.
: if we want to reduce poverty, we have to stop doing the things that make people poor and keep them that way. Stop underpaying people for the jobs they do. Stop treating working people as potential criminals and let them have the right to organize for better wages and working conditions.
: if we want to reduce poverty, we have to stop doing the things that make people poor and keep them that way. Stop underpaying people for the jobs they do. Stop treating working people as potential criminals and let them have the right to organize for better wages and working conditions.
: if we want to reduce poverty, we have to stop doing the things that make people poor and keep them that way. Stop underpaying people for the jobs they do. Stop treating working people as potential criminals and let them have the right to organize for better wages and working conditions.
: if we want to reduce poverty, we have to stop doing the things that make people poor and keep them that way. Stop underpaying people for the jobs they do. Stop treating working people as potential criminals and let them have the right to organize for better wages and working conditions.
Stop the institutional harassment of those who turn to the government for help or find themselves destitute in the streets
But at least we should decide, as a bare minimum principle, to stop kicking people when they’re down.
Slaves were the property
of their owners and could be bought and sold at any time. They held no enforceable legal rights
and had no citizenship rights.
Slaves had a variety of jobs, from working inside the home to working in
the fields to acting as attendants – actually, some slaves became quite
close to their owners and their families and were well-loved.
usually the only people eligible to receive the agoge were Spartiates, or people who could trace their ancestry to the original inhabitants of the city
Only those who had undertaken the Spartan education process
Government in Athens
Pericles was the
leader of Athens for thirty years. He was not a monarch or despot.
The people of Athens elected him year after year. He declared that
Athens was a democracy. In Athens, power was “in the hands of many
rather than the few.” Pericles was correct about saying that Athens
was a democracy at that time. Compared to other ancient governments,
Athens was democratic, but it does not seem that way today. When
he spoke of government by the people, he should have said government by
the citizens.
Citizens had more rights in
Greeks cities than any of the others. They could do almost anything
they wanted to do. They could own property, take part in politics
and the law. Most of the men in Greece were citizens, but women,
slaves, and foreigners could not be.
n Sparta only rich men were
citizens. Citizenship was like a family. It depended on birth.
Only children of citizens could be citizens themselves. Children
that lived in Athens all of their lives were not citizens if their parents
came from other places. Athens seems undemocratic to us because women
had no voice in government.
Slaves were normally captured
prisoners of wars. They were sold to people and whoever bought them
owned them. Some slaves lived good lives with their owners.
Others lived in terrible conditions or toiled in mines until death.
Unlike slaves in America, slaves in Greece got paid and if they saved their
money they might be able to buy their own freedom.
It remains a unique and intriguing experiment in direct democracy where the people do not elect representatives to vote on their behalf but vote on legislation and executive bills in their own right. Participation was by no means open
of Athenian freedom.
The greatest and longest lasting democratic leader
Estimates of the population of ancient Athens vary. During the 4th century BC,
there may well have been some 250,000–300,000 people in Attica. Citizen families
may have amounted to 100,000 people and out of these some 30,000 will have been
the adult male citizens entitled to vote in the assembly. In the mid-5th century
the number of adult male citizens was perhaps as high as 60,000, but this number
fell precipitously during the Peloponnesian War.
If Greeks didn't have as many people, they would get more work done.
There were three political bodies where citizens gathered in numbers running
into the hundreds or thousands. These are the assembly (in some cases with a
quorum of 6000), the council of 500 (boule) and the courts (a minimum of
200 people, but running at least on some occasions up to 6000). Of these three
bodies it is the assembly and the courts that were the true sites of power —
although courts, unlike the assembly, were never simply called the demos
(the People) as they were manned by a subset of the citizen body, those over
thirty.
Yes, wealth played a direct role in just how much power you had in ancient Greece. The Patricians, or wealthy, had slightly more power in making decisions and passing laws.
Only adult male Athenian citizens who had completed their military training as
ephebes had the right to vote in
Athens. The percentage of the population (of males) that actually participated
in the government was about 20%. This excluded a majority of the population,
namely slaves, freed slaves, children, women
and metics. The women had limited rights
and privileges and were not really considered citizens. The restricted movement
in public and were very segregated from the men. Also disallowed were citizens
whose rights were under suspension (typically for failure to pay a debt to the
city: see atimia); for some Athenians
this amounted to permanent (and in fact inheritable) disqualification. Still, in
contrast with oligarchical societies, there were no real property requirements
limiting access
Not really if you were in that position then you would think that that would be sensible.
The central events of the Athenian democracy were the meetings of the assembly (ἐκκλησία ekklêsia). Unlike a parliament, the assembly's members were not elected, but attended by right when they chose. Greek democracy created at Athens was a direct, not a representative democracy: any adult male citizen of age could take part, and it was a duty to do so. The officials of the democracy were in part elected by the Assembly and in large part chosen by lot.
The assembly had four main functions; it made executive pronouncements (decrees, such as deciding to go to war or granting citizenship to a foreigner); it elected some officials; it legislated; and it tried political crimes. As the system evolved these last two functions were shifted to the law courts. The standard format was that of speakers making speeches for and against a position followed by a general vote (usually by show of hands) of yes or no. Though there might be blocs of opinion, sometimes enduring, on crucial issues, there were no political parties and likewise no government or opposition (as in the Westminster system). Voting was by simple majority. In the 5th century at least there were scarcely any limits on the power exercised by the assembly. If the assembly broke the law, the only thing that might happen is that it would punish those who had made the proposal that it had agreed to
Yes Matt, the Athenian government eventually fell during the Peloponnesian Wars. It was weakened by the Persian Wars, but as soon as Sparta truly set it's sights on defeating the every-expanding Athenians they were in danger. The war itself indirectly led to the fall of Athens, during the second and third years of fighting, disease broke out in Athens and devastated the population. It took Sparta and its allies nearly 30 years to destroy the city of Athens. The Spartans also used the help of the Persians.
Early Civilizations / Y2003.CSS.S01.G06-08.BB.L07.I02
02. Describe the enduring impact of early civilizations in India, China,
Egypt, Greece and Rome after 1000 B.C. including:
The development of concepts of government and citizenship
Scientific and cultural advancements
The spread of religions
Slavery and systems of labor
Athenian democracy developed in the Greek city-state of Athens, comprising the central city-state of Athens and the surrounding territory of Attica, around 508 BC. Athens was one of the first known democracies.
It remains a unique and intriguing experiment in direct democracy where the people do not elect representatives to vote on their behalf but vote on legislation and executive bills in their own right.
Solon (594 BC), Cleisthenes (508/7 BC), and Ephialtes (462 BC) all contributed to the development of Athenian democracy.
It is most usual to date Athenian democracy from Cleisthenes, since Solon's constitution fell and was replaced by the tyranny of Peisistratus, whereas Ephialtes revised Cleisthenes' constitution relatively peacefully. Hipparchus, Hippias, was killed by
Harmodius and Aristogeiton, who were subsequently honored by the Athenians for their alleged restoration of Athenian freedom
The greatest and longest lasting democratic leader was Pericles; after his death, Athenian democracy was twice briefly interrupted by oligarchic revolution
1 Etymology
2 Participation and exclusion
2.1 Size and make-up of the Athenian population
2.2 Citizenship in Athens
3 Main bodies of governance
3.1 Assembly
While women didn’t go through military training, they were required to be educated along similar lines.
The Spartans were the only Greeks not only to take seriously the education of women; they instituted it as state policy.
his was not, however, an academic education (just as the education of males was not an academic education); it was a physical education which could be grueling.