Offers an analysis of the process of negotiating the accession of Eastern, Southeastern, and Central European countries, as well as Mediterranean countries to the European Union. This work gives insight into the working methods of both the institutions in Brussels and of the representatives of the member states that made them a success.Schlagworte: Central & Eastern European Policy Studies; v. 2

Mid-term political shuffles in the European Parliament have given a major boost to a rightist nations group while the assembly's eurosceptic group has lost five of its members.

The new "consensus" on enlargement agreed by EU leaders constitutes a delicate compromise between pro-enlargement member states and those weary of further expansion, with political rifts set to re-emerge soon over Turkey and the Balkans.

EU leaders have made no moves to ease the decision-making process in the sensitive justice and home affairs area despite the best efforts of the Finnish EU presidency and the European Commission.

Barroso sagte, es würde sich allmählich ein Konsens über die künftige Erweiterungsstrategie entwickeln, der auf drei Punkten beruhe: der Konsolidierung der Institutionen, einer strengen Konditionalität und verbesserter Information über Erweiterungsfragen mit Unterstützung der Öffentlichkeit, was erfordere, dass die Staats- und Regierungschefs die Vorteile der Erweiterung auch kommunizierten. 

Celebrations have already begun to mark Bulgaria's and Romania's accession to the European Union on January 1. But while plenty of fireworks may greet the day in Sofia and Bucharest, elsewhere there is not much sign of the display of pomp that greeted the "class of 2004". Instead of celebrating the achievements of two states that were ravaged by 50 years of communist rule and which have prepared themselves for membership in a short period, "old" Europe seems disinterested in their accession, beyond the threat (or promise) of cheap labour.

While Bulgarians see joining the European Union as marking the end of a peripheral existence and isolation, they are joining the organisation with no clear priorities. In the EU itself, it has become inappropriate to speak in any momentous terms about Sofia's forthcoming accession. Indeed, there is unease in the EU about the prospect, on account of problems including organised crime, the judiciary and the general weakness of Bulgarian institutions. This has meant the application of safeguard clauses and the continuation of strict monitoring. In spite of this, uncertainty remains in the minds of many decision-makers in key member states.

"EU membership will bring higher prices", "Europe will drive Romanian companies out of the market", "European standards will destroy popular traditions, like plum brandy, country wine, or pigs slaughtered for Christmas". These and a host of other freshly minted Euro-myths have all made the rounds in Romania on the eve of the country's EU accession. If nobody counters them with any certitude, it is partly because few institutions exist to explain to ordinary people how life will change, or whether it will change, after New Year's Eve.

On a muddy country road in Daia, four old men, each carrying a notebook in his hand, head for the municipal office in their village in southern Romania, near the border with Bulgaria. They are attending classes that will get them "agriculturalist certificates", European Union permits allowing them to continue to sell the produce of their micro-farms. Daia is a prosperous village, where local people engage mainly in growing tomatoes, cucumbers or the odd aubergine, which are then sold in the markets of Bucharest, about 60 kilometres away. Despite having worked as farmers since childhood, the elderly farmers of Daia now need professional qualifications, validated by the EU, if they are to continue with their livelihoods after January 1.

As elections approach, Serbia's liberals hope that voters see their future in Europe, while the right appeals to notions of an honored but betrayed past.