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Carsten Ullrich

European regulation of video-sharing platforms: what's new, and will it work? | LSE Med... - 0 views

  • his set of rules creates a novel regulatory model
  • Again, leaving regulatory powers to a private entity without any public oversight is clearly not the right solution. But this is also not what, in my opinion, the new AVMSD does
  • But without transparency and information about individual cases, you surely can’t say whether the takedowns are really improving the media environment, or the providers are just trying to get rid of any controversial content – or, indeed, the content somebody just happens to be complaining about.
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  • he regulator, on the other hand, has a more detached role, when compared to older types of media regulation, in which they mainly assess whether mechanisms established by the provider comply with the law
  • This approach gives rise to concerns that we are just outsourcing regulation to private companies.
  • Indeed, the delegation of the exercise of regulatory powers to a private entity could be very damaging to freedom of speech and media.
  • So, I think the legal groundwork for protection but also the fair treatment of users is in the directive. Now it depends on the member states to implement it in such a way that this potential will be fulfilled (and the European Commission has a big role in this process).
Carsten Ullrich

A New Blueprint for Platform Governance | Centre for International Governance Innovation - 0 views

  • We often talk about the “online environment.” This metaphorical language makes it seem like the online space looks similar to our offline world. For example, the term “information pollution,” coined by Claire Wardle, is increasingly being used to discuss disinformation online.  
  • It is even harder to prove direct connections between online platforms and offline harms. This is partly because platforms are not transparent.
  • Finally, this analogy reminds us that both problems are dispiritingly hard to solve. Two scholars, Whitney Phillips and Ryan Milner, have suggested that our online information problems are ecosystemic, similar to the climate crisis.
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  • As Phillips argues, “we’re not going to solve the climate crisis if people just stop drinking water out of water bottles. But we need to start minimizing the amount of pollution that’s even put into the landscape. It’s a place to start; it’s not the place to end.”
  • There may not be a one-size-fits-all analogy for platforms, but “horizontalizing” can help us to understand which solutions worked in other industries, which were under-ambitious and which had unintended consequences. Comparing horizontally also reminds us that the problems of how to regulate the online world are not unique, and will prove as difficult to resolve as those of other large industries.  
  • The key to vertical thinking is to figure out how not to lock in incumbents or to tilt the playing field even more toward them. We often forget that small rivals do exist, and our regulation should think about how to include them. This means fostering a market that has room for ponies and stable horses as well as unicorns.
  • Vertical thinking has started to spread in Washington, DC. In mid January, the antitrust subcommittee in Congress held a hearing with four smaller tech firms. All of them asked for regulatory intervention. The CEO of phone accessory maker PopSockets called Amazon’s behaviour “bullying with a smile.” Amazon purportedly ignored the selling of counterfeited PopSocket products on its platform and punished PopSocket for wanting to end its relationship with Amazon. Both Republicans and Democrats seemed sympathetic to smaller firms’ travails. The question is how to adequately address vertical concerns.
  • Without Improved Governance, Big Firms Will Weaponize Regulation
  • One is the question of intellectual property. Pa
  • Big companies can marshall an army of lawyers, which even medium-sized firms could never afford to do.
  • A second aspect to consider is sliding scales of regulation.
  • A third aspect is burden of proof. One option is to flip the present default and make big companies prove that they are not engaging in harmful behaviour
  • The EU head of antitrust, Margrethe Vestager, is considering whether to turn this on its head: in cases where the European Union suspects monopolistic behaviour, major digital platforms would have to prove that users benefit from their services.
  • Companies would have to prove gains, rather than Brussels having to prove damages. This change would relieve pressure on smaller companies to show harms. It would put obligations on companies such as Google, which Vestager sees as so dominant that she has called them “de facto regulators” in their markets. 
  • A final aspect to consider is possibly mandating larger firms to open up.
Carsten Ullrich

EUR-Lex - COM:2017:795:FIN - EN - EUR-Lex - 0 views

  • . In e-commerce in particular, market surveillance authorities have great difficulty tracing non-compliant products imported into the Union and identifying the responsible entity within their jurisdiction.
  • In its 2017 work programme 4 , the Commission announced an initiative to strengthen product compliance and enforcement Union harmonisation legislation on products, as part of the 'Goods Package'. The initiative is to address the increasing amount of non-compliant products on the Union market while offering incentives to boost regulatory compliance and ensuring fair and equal treatment that will benefit of businesses and citizens.
  • The development of e-commerce is also due to a great extent to the proliferation of information society service providers, normally through platforms and for remuneration, which offer intermediary services by storing third party content, but without exercising any control over such content, thus not acting on behalf of an economic operator. Removal of content regarding non-compliant products or where it is not feasible blocking access to non-compliant products offered through their services should be without prejudice to the rules laid down in Directive 2000/31/EC of the European Parliament and of the Council 55 . In particular, no general obligation should be imposed on service providers to monitor the information which they transmit or store, nor should a general obligation be imposed upon them to actively seek facts or circumstances indicating illegal activity. Furthermore, hosting service providers should not be held liable as long as they do not have actual knowledge of illegal activity or information and are not aware of the facts or circumstances from which the illegal activity or information is apparent.
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  • Those powers should be sufficiently robust to tackle the enforcement challenges of Union harmonisation legislation, along with the challenges of e-commerce and the digital environment and to prevent economic operators from exploiting gaps in the enforcement system by relocating to Member States whose market surveillance authorities are not equipped to tackle unlawful practices. In particular, the powers should ensure that information and evidence can be exchanged between competent authorities so that enforcement can be undertaken equally in all Member States.
  • Compliance rates by Member State/sectors and for e-commerce and imports (improvements in availability and quality of information in Member State enforcement strategies, progress in reduction of compliance gaps)
  • (3) low deterrence of the current enforcement tools, notably with respect to imports from third countries and e-commerce
  • (4) important information gaps (i.e. lack of awareness of rules by businesses and little transparency as regards product compliance)
Carsten Ullrich

Digital Services Act: Ensuring a trustworthy and safe online environment while allowing... - 0 views

  • The EU’s overall objectives are certainly well-intended. However, many concerns remain, for instance:
  • The DSA should tackle bad players and behaviours regardless of the platform’s size and country of origin. Having a specific regime for “very large online platforms” with additional obligations leaves the door open for rogue players to simply move to smaller digital service providers that are subject to a lighter regime.
  • To prevent legal uncertainty, the DSA should have a clear scope focusing on illegal content, products and services. The rules should be horizontal and principle-based, and could in a second phase be complemented with more targeted measures (legislative and non-legislative) to tackle specific concerns. 
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  • While well-intended, EU policymakers should find the appropriate equilibrium between transparency, the protection against rogue players’ attempts to game the system, and the protection of operators’ trade secrets. Any new requirement must be achievable, proportionate to known risks and provide real added value.
  • Undermining the ‘country of origin’ principle would fragment the EU Single Market and create more red tape for national businesses trying to become European businesses.
  • To prevent legal uncertainty, the DSA should have a clear scope focusing on illegal content, products and services. The rules should be horizontal and principle-based, and could in a second phase be complemented with more targeted measures (legislative and non-legislative) to tackle specific concerns. 
Carsten Ullrich

Twitter to ask users to rethink abusive messages - a promising step towards 'slowcial m... - 0 views

  • All this seems to suggest that social media platforms are a unique environment where individuals post with little prior consideration as to whether that post could offend or upset others.
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