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Eli Melrod

We Need a 'Conservative' Party - 6 views

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    I found this op-ed piece interesting, because I think it gets at the underlying problem with the current Republican party: there is no room for middle ground, because nowadays that means weakness. Although a centrist to philosophy to all problems does not work, I thought Friedman painted a nice picture of why little gets done in Washington due to the stark contrasts between the two parties. Basically, radicalization of the Republican party is one of the biggest problems with the current political situation.
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    I really liked this piece. The terrifying part to me (the author points this out really well) isn't just how little gets done, but how little gets talked about. The list of three other massive issues - more demanding and globalized jobs, energy crisis, and immigration - can hardly be brought up with the radicalization of the parties you mentioned. The reason this election is "about" jobs and the economy is that it is the only issue the parties can agree to disagree about constructively. Any one of the others, I think, would become about ideology and not about reaching a sensible compromise.
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    This article, to me, really does address the main obstacle to becoming a united nation, which is radicals on either side of the political spectrum, but particularly conservatives. As a conservative myself, I find that often times I am frustrated by how stubborn or radical the leaders of the Republicans can be and this article makes an excellent point as to how that is affecting our nation. What our leaders need to understand is that they are never going to fully get their way, but instead they need to learn to compromise. Otherwise, nothing will get done. I agree with John that all of the other important issues need to be addressed, but they can't because of the radical ideals of a few powerful people.
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    This editorial, along with John's article, show how important it is for the Republicans to become less radical. John's article shows that Karl Rove is actually already trying to do this by supporting more traditionally, conservative politicians and publicly taking more moderate stances. However, Romney and most of the Republican ads continue to cater to the radical right and their "no new taxes" and anti government positions. I wonder what would happen if Romney actually took the more moderate positions of Ronald Reagan and George H. W. Bush. Would he lose the Republican base? I also found Murdoch's observation about immigrants being "natural Republicans" very interesting. Is this because they he imagines they have more conservative social opinions?
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    This one really echoes a lot of what I've been hearing about the republican party. It seems like the tea-partiers have gotten big enough that the Republicans are shifting to the right so as to avoid a tea party candidate cropping up and splitting the vote (I read that somewhere, don't remember where). This issue really just reinforces, for me at least, the problems with the two-party system. Instead of having three parties, two for sane people and one for the tea partiers, the republicans have found themselves in a situation where they're straddling the widening chasm between moderates and radicals, and it seems to me like they've chosen the radical side as their base.
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    I found this article interesting because it addresses the problems with both parties concerning national debt. I really enjoyed how the article poked fun at the election, saying " we celebrate the fact that it might include a serious debate about one of the four great issues of the day, though even that is not clear yet". After reading this article, I am beginning to think more of a conservative approach is needed to fix the issue in America concerning debt. Although in the past conservative presidents(George Bush Sr., Reagan) have used tax revenue and budget cuts to fix debt, I do not think it is out of reach for President Obama to fix debt issues in another 4 years if he takes a more "right-winged" approach. I do believe the job of fixing national debt is not the job for a radical member of the G.O.P or a very strong liberal, but for the best candidate who can make the most people happy while doing what is best for the country with a strong approach.
Eli Melrod

Week 7: The South's Enduring Conservativism - 5 views

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    This piece talks about why the South continues to be extremely conservative politically. I've never been to the South and have always wondered what's going on with the political conservative climate, because it seems to me that conservative economic policy actually hurts a lot of regions in the South. These "Room for Debate" pieces on the NY Times are awesome, because they provide a lot of different perspectives. I'd love to hear all your guys take on this: San Franciscans and Atlanta peeps alike.
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    The question the author brings up about "solidarity across race lines" has always been in the back of my mind during elections like this, when poor or working class whites side with fiscal policies that simply aren't designed to benefit them. I'm pretty much on the same page as you, Eli, in that the extremely deep-running religious and class lines that the author uses to characterize Southern voters in general is pretty foreign to me. The idea that the author puts forth in the last paragraph, the bargain of working class Southern voters to remain "'real' whites" in exchange for losing economic clout, is a pretty compelling part of party politics that I wish the author elaborated on a little more. I'm also curious why, based on the religiousness that the author points to as such a large factor, these working class voters don't simply participate as fiscal liberals and social conservatives?
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    I really liked this article, both because of the discussion of Southern demographics, like Eli, I wish I knew more about the political situation in the South, and the introduction to remaining racial lines (I also wish this piece had gone on longer) that go beyond open prejudice or discrimination but can be observed in voting patterns and political allegiances. I think the power of tradition here is fascinating and I'd be interested to understand specifically what is sacrificed to remain within this balance of "morality, class and race" or how they play out beyond the South somewhere like San Francisco.
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    I think this article brings up important ideas. I'd like to know more about how affluent whites used whiteness in the 1940s to align lower class and middle class whites with their political views. I do know that cities like Atlanta have had famous black mayors who shared religious beliefs and economic goals with both black and white voters. It is definitely something I would like to know more about.
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    Great post Eli. I think this article makes many valid points because in the south, the conservative history is very apparent. Being from Georgia especially during election, President Obama is not widely respected and people often criticize his policies harshly. I hate to say it but I do believe that racist southern ideals are partially the reason for some of the unpopularity of Obama in the south. Relating to the conservative tendencies in southern states, I believe the reason the south has remained predominantly right sided is because tradition is such a big part of southern culture, and with southern tradition comes conservative values.
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    For me this brings up evidence to support people not being able to move past their moral compass even if it means progress in their socioeconomic outlook and progress in the nation. It makes sense to stay true to their self, but it is not justifiable to hurt yourself and your nation by preventing forward progress. In theory it makes sense to try and change their minds, but it is a lot easier said than done and would take a great amount of time and we have to be patient about it.
cody s

The Clinton-Rice credibility gap - 2 views

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    This is an article by a conservative columnist, Pat Buchanan, that my dad turned me on to. It addresses the fact that Hillary Clinton and the Obama administration allegedly knew about the attacks in Benghazi for a while and didn't take action. I do think that the administration mishandled it, and I think it's interesting to read the conservative perspective on the attacks. I think this is a direction that Romney's rhetoric is going to take in the coming weeks, especially during the foreign policy debate. I agree with what this writer says about many liberals wanting to absolve Obama and his administration from all blame for anything, especially at this stage in the election, and I think that reading articles from both sides of the argument will help form an objective understanding of the issue.
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    After the evaluating sources assignment, where the three different articles on the Libya attacks presented a confused argument about the Conservative perspective, this article was very refreshing and well-stated. I agree that Clinton and Obama's eventual concession that the attacks were terrorist-related could easily be used to Romney's advantage in a topic area that tends not to be his forte. The shift between the original blame on the offensive video to the Obama administration's current stance is obviously negative, but good for Romney, and the whole situation is certainly unsettling.
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    I think this article frames the lingering questions about the attack well. Based on what Cody is saying (the implications thinking like this has for the President in the upcoming debate), I wonder what the best way would be for Obama to handle it. He's facing an opponent who is simply going to tell him that his Middle East policy is falling apart: we saw it in Ryan's accusation of "unraveling policy" again and again. Like you're saying, Mabel, any shift in the blame for the event looks really bad for Obama at this point, so any mention of the video on his part seems like a mistake to me. Do you guys think he should just own the situation or pretend to have been ignorant? To me, continuing to claim faulty intelligence seems like a winning strategy to me. Painting the terrorist plot as something that came to light after the attack has the advantage of not necessarily being a lie, but not coping to a massive error.
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    I completely agree that there was some sort of intelligence gap in the State Department. Whether or not Obama/Biden knew is open for debate, but I'm not sure that is really important. In reality, both candidates have pretty similar foreign policy stances. I highly doubt the Romney Administration would handle embassy security any differently. We saw it in the VP debate. Biden would challenge Ryan to talk about actual differences in foreign policy and Ryan couldn't really find any. I'm really bothered by this statement, "And lest we forget, we invaded Afghanistan to eradicate al-Qaida after 9/11. Yet today, we read of al-Qaida in the Maghreb, al-Qaida in Iraq, al-Qaida in Pakistan, al-Qaida in the Arabian Peninsula and al-Qaida in Syria. And Ansar Dine, an al-Qaida affiliate, has taken over northern Mali, a slice of land the size of France." This is a huge exaggeration of Al-Qaida's current power. They are doing really poorly, not well. I think that it is just a political tactic to relate America somehow being unsafe to the attack in Libya.
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    Today Hilary Clinton tried to take responsibility for the lack of security in Libya. John and Cody are right about this being the beginning of the Republican attack on Obama's foreign policy. This morning I heard a Romney advisor talking about how little influence and control we have in the middle east in the face of rising terrorism. His examples and questions included many cited in Buchanan's editorial. Buchanan was an early advisor to Nixon and encouraged him to stand against abortion even though it was different than Nixon's original view. It seems like Buchanan is a lot like Carl Rove, finds a weakness and an opening and goes for it.
Eli Melrod

Week 6: Why Obamacare is a Conservative\'s Dream - 7 views

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    This article is a great explanation for the article that Miles posted last week, "Romney Adopts Softer Tone in Critique of Obama." Obamacare is the epitome of a centralist solution to healthcare, but the Republicans in the house are too caught up in politics to admit that it is actually a good compromise. It is interesting looking at Romney's own plan for Massachusetts in comparison to Obamacare, because they are essentially the same plan. Because Romney has taken up the issue of "repealing Obamacare," he has really dug himself a hole, because what is the conservative alternative? No healthcare plan? It seems to me that this kind of partisan politics is the reason that Romney is doing so poorly in the election.
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    This article does a good job of explaining the conservative nature of Obamacare by mentioning how the plan brings forth "principles originally embraced by Republicans" and showing that "because it is not a government takeover of health care," it has few large Democrat supporters. This sentence sums it up well and demonstrates the ridiculousness of the situation: "Mr. Obama's plan, which should be a darling of the right for these principles, was abandoned not for its content, but rather for politics." I am also wondering where that leaves the Republicans, since if Romney is anti-"Romneycare across state lines," what would his health care plan be? Furthermore, instead of attacking Obamacare, he could be giving himself the credit for the basic idea which would certainly help his campaign, gain wider-spread support, and make him appear more the right-leaning centrist.
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    As someone who doesn't understand the details of Obamacare, this was really compelling. I remember someone in the chat room on debate night mentioning that the Mass. plan is basically identical to Obama's, like you said, Eli, so it's more confusing to me that Romney keeps objecting to it as a whole than that he agrees to it in part. Also, Eli, just as there is not really clear Republican alternative to Obamacare, I wonder what the Democrats who are "lukewarm" about it would rather see? I agree with what you're saying in your last sentence, Mabel. It seems like he's already headed in that direction, but should probably hurry it up if he wants it to pay off with the moderate electorate. Even if he can't claim Obama's plan, he could definitely latch onto "personal responsibility" and other traditionally conservative values behind it as more reflective of his own platform.
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    This article is the best. It provides such a clear, concise explanation of Obamacare. And it really does, if you know this, invalidate Romney's entire platform. Obamacare is a centrist healthcare plan, and it's just like Romneycare. Romney is running on a platform of "anti-Obama," and all he's saying that he'll do is remove and replace Obama's policies -- but with what? Romney isn't saying. It really is astounding how much vitriol there is in America directed towards Obama, who is largely a centrist in his policies.
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    This article, like the Obamanomics, shows how too often politics takes precedent over policy. It's very disturbing that when something is as critical as health insurance for as many people as possible, is lost in a political battle. It sounds like even though the Democrats and Republicans agree on the most important aspects of Obamacare, it became mired in its present battle because the White House "rammed the bill through Congress." And the Republicans "lashed back with a vengeance." These political battles seem so petty when so much is at stake and everybody basically agrees on policy.
Jonah Schacter

Why I Am Pro-Life - NYTimes.com - 2 views

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    Here is a piece around abortion issues and the problem with the term "pro-life". The author states "Respect for life has to include respect for how that life is lived, enhanced and protected - not only at the moment of conception but afterward, in the course of that life.". We have talked about the terrible applications of terms pro-life and pro-choice, it should be pro-choice or no-choice. The problem with the conservatives and tea party is that on one hand they want as small as government as possible, but on the other hand they want to take away or our basic right to freedom of choice. 
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    This definitely feels like a war of words to me. I agree with what you're saying about a certain contradiction in which areas of our lives the parties want to see freedom, and I personally have the same trouble you have with reconciling these differences. I was interested to see the quotes that the author chose for the first paragraph: news outlets have been treating the Todd Akin debacle like the only ignorant thing politicians have been saying about the topic of abortion, and the author shows us that we have plenty to choose from. While I agree with you about the inequality of terms, I don't necessarily think "pro-choice or no-choice" would be any more fair: some pro-lifers could feasibly argue that "no-choice" is inaccurate because it doesn't account for the needs/"choice" of a fetus. I think any change in naming that isn't insane (anti-abortion vs. anti-anti-abortion) would have the same inherent inaccuracies.
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    Okay nothing against you, Jonah, but I saw this article earlier this week and I really dislike it. I think it's such a silly argument - this guy is saying that conservatives don't deserve to call themselves pro-life because they don't support gun regulations and support a larger military? They would say the exact same thing about him because he supports gun regulations and stopping wars but doesn't believe in (in their opinion) stopping the murder of a fetus. I agree that there is something paradoxical about the conservative philosophies on social vs. economic matters, but I think this article goes about exploring that paradox in a really condescending, unproductive way.
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    It's amazing to me how labeling a complex issue can give it powerful meaning. People have been doing this for a long time. The original "family values" were in response to changing views about the LGBTQ community. It was easy for people to think that of course they cared about "family values" without exploring what was exactly behind that movement. I think Friedman does a good job of exploring the use of the term "pro-life'" because really, who isn't pro-life?
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    While I agree with Cody that Friedman's cockiness can be difficult to read, I personally agree with what he is saying. I think there is a problem in the this country with respecting the scientific community. How can people still doubt climate change? The data is there. How can people really think it is a good thing to allow people to carry weapons? The murders are there. While I think this is a potentially divisive way of stating the issue, some of the far right opinions on abortion, gun rights, and climate change seem equally as absurd to me. There is a lot of good that can come out of conservatism, but the conservatism around rights, I don't think is very productive and people will eventually look back on it and scoff.
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    I am also interested in the role of language here, both within the actual issue and in this piece, and what you mentioned, Eli, about how people maintain their viewpoints that are continually in opposition to almost undeniable facts. With both issues it seems that unspoken rules and assumptions carry such weight. It mostly just confuses me.
Eli Melrod

The Elephant in the Room - 5 views

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    This article stood out to me, because it is exactly why I see Romney's plans as a completely the opposite of what American needs: they aren't any different than George W. Bush's. Americans saw what happened under George W. Bush, and nobody wants to go back to that. This line in the piece really summed up why Romney is doing so poorly, "To win the kind of victory that conservatives seem to think they should be winning, the Republican Party needs two things: A domestic agenda that offers more to hard-pressed families than just generic conservative rhetoric about the genius of capitalism, and a foreign policy program that reflects the hard lessons learned in Iraq and Afghanistan." As a liberal, I would never vote for Mitt Romney, but I do understand that the economy is not where a lot of people wanted it to be after Obama's first term. The question is: can Romney do a better job? I see a lot of similarities between Romney's policies and George W. Bush's policies, so I think that the economy would do worse. If other Americans, like the author of this article, see the same similarities, I don't see how Romney can win in November.
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    I think learning from Bush-era policies, like you said, is the best way to figure out what to do (or not do). When we talked in class about how complicated and unrelatable fiscal policy is, I kept wondering what ideology *actually* works and how we can be certain. Looking back on past failures seems like the only way to relly know. If we implement the policies you're talking about, which arguably led to the recession, why should we expect something different? I don't know that much about economics, but I agree with you. If Bush's fiscal policy is what really did set the stage for the economy to tank, I can't discern big enough differences in Romney's platform - "generic conservative rhetoric" - to expect something better. If anything, the article describes Romney's plan as a watered-down version of Bush's, which raises different concerns for me.
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    It is always interesting to hear about Republican positions like the idea that Romney is not doing well because "left controlled education shaped the Millennials." There is probably something to this. Also, I agree with Eli as far as the specifics that Romney and Ryan have offered so far. They sound just like George W. Bush and it is pretty clear that politically he needs to separate himself from Bush. I just read and posted an article on the effect of tax cuts on economic growth. It is pretty clear that historically tax cuts have not done much to improve growth. However, this article says that the Republicans acknowledge the failings of the Bush plan and promise more responsibility. Maybe they do know they need to offer more and will hear about tax reform and other things in the debates. It is pretty clear from Romney's behavior this week that he is not taking a more nuanced position on foreign policy.
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    I think it is interesting, and absurd, how the Republican Party has looked for things to blame on some of their failings on. That being said, I also think it is unfair that past President's records affect prospective candidates chances, on either side of the political spectrum. Just because Romney is in the same political party as Bush dos not mean he will do similar things(even though he probably will do some). I agree with Anna that Romney and Ryan need to separate from Bush to establish that they are not the same and will not have the same results. Regardless of their policies I believe that candidates should be evaluated on their merits, and while the past should be considered, and their merits alone. To me, that is what this article is really saying.
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    Cameron, I agree with your idea - that parties can shift, and individual candidates shouldn't be bound into the economic principles of their party - but until Romney provides substantive plans for the economy, all anyone is going to hear from his campaign is the same conservative "free market" rhetoric that they heard from the Bush campaign. What he needs to do is lay out a specific plan and note what he's learned from the economic failure under Bush and how that has shaped his plan.
Anna Schutte

Mitt Romney's Missing Foreign Policy - 2 views

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    This editorial written by Danielle Pletka, of the conservative American Enterprise Institute criticizes Romney's foreign policy speech on Monday October 8th for offering little in the way of either vision or specifics to separate himself from Obama. Plettka writes that Romney, "sensed an opening" in foreign policy after the Obama administration appeared to bungle the September 11 Libyan attack. She says that Romney needs to show voters that "he's not simply George Bush retread" itching to declare war on Iran and Syria. It is interesting that this conservative thinks that no Republicans have made a case that they will actually do anything differently than Obama. She suggests that Romney help voters connect American global power with prosperity, its dominance of the world's important waterways with flourishing trade and the exporting of democratic ideals with more open "nourished markets. She refers to the importance of the US's "benign" influence since WWII. Look up benign..it doesn't mean the war, death and violence we seen in Iraq and Afghanistan . What she means is that the U.S. has never interfered for 'malevolent" reasons. It's hard to imagine how the US would be perceived as benign in all of the military intervention.
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    This connects pretty well to Miles' most recent post, and reinforces the feeling I have that foreign policy isn't that substantial in this election. It seems like a tool Romney can use to attack Obama, to, as you said, "sense an opening." The economy is not just what people seem more concerned about, it's the part of the race that substantive debate actually comes out of. Both presidents have good and bad marks on their record in terms of economy, while I still think Romney has little substantive to say about foreign policy. What you are saying about a "benign" influence is part of what I think Ryan flubbed during the debate: when asked if the US should intervene for humanitarian reasons, he started stuttering and going back to only putting troops on the ground for US security. Whether you believe in a "benign" reason for US action in the Middle East, I agree with the author that Romney needs to work harder to put this image forward, true or not. I'm a little confused about the author's claim that Romney is going to do things the same as Obama: in terms of Iran and his stance on the scale of US military power, they seem entirely different to me. Also (the article reminded me of this), what does Romney/Ryan hope to gain by pushing the whole Russia-as-a-threat angle? It seems pretty pointless to me.
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    This article shows pretty well a lot of what we've seen of Romney. It seems like his campaign is just based on criticizing Obama, and since there's an opening in the foreign policy area he's moved away from the economy. He's looking for criticisms to make without offering substantive policy proposals, and I think that's because Obama's policies are basically centrist policies. It's a weird situation that Obama, as a moderate, has this unique ability to inspire so much vitriol among the conservative right, and Romney's trying to capitalize.
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    I'm in the foreign policy group for the issues project at school, and I can tell you with certainty that the differences between Obama and Romney in terms of foreign policy are very small. It is more of a philosophical difference. In reality, the troops will leave Afghanistan in 2014, we will most likely not send troops to Syria or Iran, and we will continue to support Israel, regardless of who is president. Romney is really just trying to create a contrast between his foreign policy and Obama's, but there aren't any major differences, so he has latched onto this whole Libya thing.
mabel taylor

Conservative 'Super PACs' Sharpen Their Synchronized Message - 1 views

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    This article talks about conservative Super PACs working to unify their message to keep away from uncomfortable blunders that bring the entire party down, to avoid letting "their message [become] diluted," and to maintain Romney's full-throttle attack when the Governor is not in a position to do so himself. The subtle moves that keep Super PACs legal is demonstrated really well in this article, like how the different groups can talk to each other and follow the "themes being emphasized by Mitt Romney's campaign," but cannot "coordinate with Mr. Romney's strategists," which certainly seems like it would be a challenge, since the Romney campaign keeps switching its focus. One of the most interesting aspects of this article is the reference to the Super PACs making sure that they all use the same numbers and statistics when attacking President Obama. It's crazy that there is so much confusion about what seems like the simplest part of pro-Romney advertising, especially when some groups actually think that connecting Obama with "Rev. Jeremiah A. Wright Jr. and the minister's 'black liberation' theology" is a good idea. The paragraph about how these Super PACs' more cohesive vision will affect Obama's campaign is also really interesting and demonstrates a lot of what seems unfair about large-scale campaign finance issues, since Romney's vision and campaign can literally move beyond him and keep up their work without him or his funds.
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    What you highlighted from this article emphasizes how shady the distinction is between coordinating a message with a candidate and presenting one independently. From what this article says, along with the presentation in class about campaign finance, the difference between these two methods of supporting a campaign seems pretty arbitrary. This is especially true if, like you said, the groups that can't coordinate with Romney can coordinate with one another. This strategy is the part that scares me the most: Super PAC's are trying to avoid "diluting" their message, but they seem to be diluting the messages of the candidates as a collective. The need to present a cohesive message, like you mentioned, seems to explain why a lot of the criticism in these ads is so vague, simply attacking Obama "as a failed leader" rather than highlighting specific policies or mistakes. In a campaign like Romney's, where the key focus is often a bit of a moving target, sticking to general criticism like this seems like a winning tactic. I agree that the engineering of advertisements is unfair, especially given the cause and effect relationship of ad dollars and poll results that the author suggests.
cody s

The Chris Christie Backlash Machine Revs Into High Gear - David A. Graham - The Atlantic - 2 views

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         This is a kind-of-funny article about the many conservatives who are criticizing Chris Christie as being responsible for Romney's loss. They call him some funny names, and it's interesting to see this especially considering his potential for a presidential run in 2016.
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    The conservative critics in this article are so brutal. While it is kind of funny to see their reactions, as you said, I also feel like it's pretty important to the elections cycle four years from now. I noticed something interesting in our discussion group on Wednesday when 2016 came up: names like Rubio, Ryan, and Christie were easy to come up with, but a Democrat team was much more difficult to assemble. The fact that Christie has fallen from grace and might even be blamed for Romney's loss, like you suggest, could have huge bearing on the election or, given the strength of the Republican pool, not much of one at all. It'll be interesting to see.
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    I feel bad for Chris Christie, as the article says, "These critics seem to believe that Christie ought to have put national-party ambitions before his state's well-being. In other words, he ought to have committed dereliction of elected duty -- hardly a good move for any official." This is a pretty great example of political desires gone astray and to blame the election on Christie, who neither deserves the criticism and should be respected for fulfilling his duties, is just ridiculous. Good point John about 2016, but I wonder how long this event will impact Christie's career?
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    It is funny to think that the Republican's need a whipping boy for the Romney loss when there's so much information about the Republican's inability to reach Latinos, women and other groups. My guess is that Chris Christie will be able to use his conduct during Sandy to his benefit. All he has to do is spin it to highlight his leadership and his ability to "reach across the aisle."
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    I like Chris Christie so much after his dealing with Hurricane Sandy. He clearly put his state first and did what he needed to do. I doubt this will have much weight in 2016. If Chris Christie runs for president, I doubt this will eve be on the table. He is one of the stronger candidates that the GOP has and it would be dumb of them to discredit him for helping his state in a time of need by working with the president.
Anna Schutte

The Problem with "Four Sore Years" by Nicole Gelinas - City Journal - 3 views

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    This article is from the website of a conservative think tank, The Manhattan Institute. It's interesting to read a conservative criticize Romney for being out of touch with the American people when he focuses his economic argument on only the "four sore years" of the Obama administration. She highlights the number of times Romney referred to 4 years during the debate missing his opportunity to acknowledge that Americans know that the economy crashed well before 2009. She aptly states that Americans remember well the "white as a ghost" President Bush, "the panicked Congress", the "helpless" GOP standard bearer, McCain. She also points out that Americans are feeling like we already hit bottom and that it's not the time to focus only on the negative. Given that she seems more nuanced in her thinking, I was particularly interested to read her criticisms of Obama's reaction to the financial crisis, especially, according to her, his missed opportunity to encourage states to fix their pension and benefit problems, by bailing them out temporarily with the stimulus money.
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    It pains me to think that I could sit down in front of a presidential candidate ask them a very specific question and I would get the same vague response that they give to everybody. Romney could bring forth some honesty and just admit it was not all Obama's fault and that the problem was before the last four years. There has to be an acceptance of the real issue in order to move forward. I think Romney could bring light to his campaign by simply being honest about this economic issue that is a big part of the election.
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    This was a good read. I like the specific question from the second debate that the author singled out, because it struck me as so significant at the time. From the beginning of the election, I have been noticing that the candidates are apt to create the timelines of the recession that suit them: a longer one benefits Obama, and a shorter one Romney. As you said, Anna, the four year timeline could make Romney appear out of touch with Americans who think about Bush, etc., but I honestly wonder how much of a problem this is for him. The President is such an easy target for this kind of short-term criticism, and while I agree that the author's train of thought is insightful and nuanced, I wonder how many people are going to make the same connection as her. I personally think it's smart for Romney to stick to his simple, Obama-failed-where-I'll-succeed attack as one that will resonate with a lot of people and not alienate that many (besides the Democrat-leaning voters who wouldn't vote for him anyway).
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    This is an interesting article. I think the Romney campaign is torn between blaming Obama for the recession, which voters will know is false, and blaming him for the slow recovery, which will implicate Republican policies in the failure. He's navigating this limbo by making intentionally vague references to the last four years, hoping that people will only remember the economic hardships of recent years without thinking too long or hard about where they came from.
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    I am glad you posted this, as it offers a different type of critique of Romney. I read an essay like this from another conservative think tank criticizing Romney's energy policies and they both have expanded my perspective, it seems that more disparaging reviews of candidates from within their parties are more productive. It's interesting to consider what Romney would be like as a more positive candidate and how he might end up like an Obama from 2008. The benefits of an optimistic, or at least more constructive, campaign are great. This article also highlights something which comes up a lot for me when thinking about the election, in which candidates really under-estimate their constituencies' intelligence. There is definitely a difference between selling the perspective you want to use to win and ignoring the reality of what people know.
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    After the election, it's pretty clear that "four sore years" didn't work. I wonder if there was really much else Romney could have focused on. I think Romney dug himself more holes than he holes he really dug for Obama. There were Republican governors running for reelection talking about how great the economy was while Romney was running for president talking about how bad it was. It really shows how you can spin a situation any way to suit you.
Jonah Schacter

The Policy Verdict I - NYTimes.com - 4 views

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    The is an article pre vice presidential debate about medicare. It talks about Paul Ryan's medicare a lot in comparison to the current system and Obamacare. I understand each side and there plans for this system. but I think that the problem is the unwillingness to make compromises between parties which is really holding the government back right now. Just wondering thoughts on medicare and the opposing plans.
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    I was pretty surprised to see this author, writing an op-ed for a liberal paper, tear apart Obama's Medicare plan like this. The way he describes it, as a centralized and pretty market-free plan, seems kind of unreasonable to me. The basis of the Romney plan was once popular with Democrats, which is interesting to me. It seems like another place (like Obamacare) where the candidates are trying to draw clear party lines around something that's basically bipartisan. In that way, I agree with you: the lack of compromise is at its worst here, where a middle option is pretty agreeable and has at its core something each candidate is promoting. The way that things are being held back now, like you said, is especially worrying to me with Medicare because it strikes me as kind of time-sensitive.
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    I don't know about this article. I'm in the entitlements group for the issues project, and a lot of what I've seen runs contrary to what he says. Here: http://www.politico.com/news/stories/1012/81900_Page2.html#ixzz28Akgfkta is a study that says Romney's healthcare plan would leave 72 million uninsured, and here: http://www.standard.net/stories/2012/10/11/study-details-obama-romney-health-care-differences is another that says though both of them will raise premiums for seniors by 2020, Romney's will cause a larger raise. The main issue I have with this article is that it presents Romney's medicare plan as a "market-based" alternative to Obama's "centralized healthcare" plan. This is just so far from true. Obama's plan is based on conservative ideology, and it is based heavily on the market keeping prices down in a purified market.
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    While I have not spent a large amount of time deciphering the differences between Obamacare and Romneycare and the receptions of these plans by Democrats and Republicans alike, I had been under the impression that they were very similar, and the articles Cody posted bring up good points about the intersections of the plans. I found this concluding sentence to be rather funny, "the Romney-Ryan approach might work," after lengthily dissecting both plans and ending up in favor of Romney's, the writer does not even feel comfortable making a declarative, positive statement about Romneycare. While obviously no one can say for sure what will happen in the future or how policies will effect individuals, this just demonstrates the lack of solidity in this debate.
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    Yeah, Romney's plan and Obama's plan are still in the phase of theory, because neither has been enacted. I've read economic analysis that supports both; it really comes down to the economist being a liberal or a conservative. I think we can do as much speculation as we want, but the key difference is that Obamacare worked in Massachusetts, while Romney's current plan has never really worked anywhere.
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    I agree with Eli. Although this article gives some specific information about why the market based approach to medicare could be more effective in lowering costs than the political. They're both theoretical. Obama's board of experts have had much of their power taken away by Congress, so it will be very difficult to see how effective it could really be if it were given the right kind of power. The vouchers lowering the cost of medicare drug benefits is encouraging, though hard to imagine how something like that would work with a much more complex medical system.
Anna Schutte

The Party of Work - 1 views

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    This column by David Brooks about the changing nature of the American electorate and the Republican's inability to understand it seems to nail many of the issues Republicans have with minority voters. The old days of white male Protestant individualism is a mindset that is slipping away as our country is made up of more cultures who believe both in the commitment to hard work and to the idea that government programs can insight work and enhance opportunity. It's funny to hear the Republicans now talk only about immigration reform as they try to reach Latino and Asian voters. David Brooks shows that there is much more listening and understanding the Republicans still have to do.
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    I don't want to sound naive, but I feel like the "small government" argument is beginning to be an outdated argument. Obviously, there will always be conservatives, but I think they are going to need to start fitting the desire of the electorate. For example, in California, a state that votes very fiscally conservative on its propositions, we passed a bill that raises taxes to pay for education. I don't have any stats on this, but I feel pretty comfortable saying that if most people in America were asked the question, "would you raise taxes on wealthy people to help pay for education?" I believe people would say yes.
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    I think that the Republicans were able to go into the mind set of "if it ain't broke don't fix it" in the past few elections as this change started to happen. Now they clearly cannot have that mind set or they will not go far as a political party. If they can embrace this change and allow themselves to work to attract a broader demographic they will be able to make the 2016 election and interesting one. I do believe though that it is hard to let go of because it has been their "status quo" of sorts for awhile.
Eli Melrod

Week 10: BEWARE OF ROMNEYCARE - 6 views

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    This article really speaks to why I don't think there is a logical argumenta against Obamacare. There is no more conservative solution other than simply having no government involvement with healthcare. It bothers me that Romney isn't more candid about what "Romneycare" would actually do. It seems from his rhetoric that he wants all Americans to be covered, but that's exactly what Obamacare does in a free-market driven way. The only argument I've really heard against Obamacare is a partisan argument, Republicans versus Democrats. Does America really want to let 50 million people go without insurance or are they just ignorant to the fact that Romneycare would leave that many people uninsured?
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    I totally agree with what you are saying. I think that a lot of people are so fixed to their status quo that they can't see the simple fact that with Romney as president a lot of people in America will be without health care. I also think that people forget that the government is for the benefit of the people and with Romney as president the government will not be benefitting many people at all. If Romney believes in so little government why would he even run for president, he should have stayed in the private sector.
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    The middle part of this piece articulates what I like about Obamacare in a way I couldn't: it makes total sense because "health care is distinctive in ways that limit the power of the market." Like you're saying, Eli, the only way Obamacare could be more conservative is to leave government out of the system entirely, and based on the author's description, healthcare itself makes this a really bad idea. The other key point I got from it, which relates to what Jonah is saying about the status quo, is the fact that "competition already exists" in the healthcare system we have now: if the free market would insure more people, why hasn't it done so already? I would like to see a really well crafted argument against the system that has nothing to do with party rhetoric.
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    This is the first time I've read Kenneth Arrow's analysis of why medical care doesn't fit with the usual free market models. It makes sense that consumers can't comparison shop when so many things are unknown and beyond their control. I don't understand why this simple analysis wasn't used in the debate between Romney-Ryan care and Obamacare. It seems like most voters, even those who are anti-big government, would understand and agree with this argument.
cody s

Want a Better Economy? History Says Vote Democrat! - Forbes - 2 views

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    I think that looking at the historical economical failures and successes of democratic and republican economic policies is a good way to come to a conclusion about which candidate would actually help the economy. The candidates themselves are just spewing rhetoric about tax cuts and the middle class, so this third party analysis of economic growth under Democrats vs. Republicans is really interesting. Check it out.
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    I get what you are saying and agree that this is a good article to look at to see what past parties have done with the economy. If I recall correctly though Professor Potepan said that the president does not have that much power over the economy. Also I do not think this would changed the mind of decided or undecided voters because I think that a lot of average people in the country are going to look at the social issues and where the candidate stands on that subject rather than the economy. This is simply because where someone stands on social issues is a lot easier to understand than issues about the economy.
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    I agree that seeing a third party analysis is really informative, and while I can't trust one to be the final word on "what works," I'll be hunting for more like this. What the author said about the party platform mattering in the past is interesting to me, because the priorities of Democrats and Republicans seem so different to me than they were a few decades ago: in that sense, I'm sort of skeptical about how informative a Democrat vs. Republican comparison of economic growth is. Rather, I'm more interested in the particular plans of Obama and Romney, and which specific terms in US history most closely mirror them. I agree with what Jonah is saying about values being a much easier thing to vote off of because it is such an internal question. I'm interested to see how voters can reconcile these really clear-cut moral questions with the obvious priority of the economy in this election.
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    I am also interested in hearing about the economy in this format, where political allegiances are avoided and a clear analysis of both Romney's and Obama's plans is presented. It is really helpful, especially after the issue summaries where we put a lot of trust into what each candidate says on their website and in speeches. But I disagree Jonah that most voters will simply turn away from economic opinions because they are more complicated to understand. Social issues certainly offer a way for undecided voters to understand the morals and general conservative/liberal ideas of a candidate, but this election seems pretty defined by the economy and few people seem like they would ignore it completely.
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    It is sometimes extremely hard for me to understand the argument for conservative economic philosophies, because while they might seem great paper, have NEVER worked. "Trickle down" economics tend to stagnate the economy, not help it. While I definitely read a lot of liberally biased news sources, I still find that unbiased analysis of economic policy points to liberal policies almost every time. Jonah, if a person is still undecided, I would say they are definitely not going to vote on social issues. If social issues were more important to them than the economy, they would absolutely have already decided who to cast their vote for. It is very clear where the candidates stand on social issues, but is much less clear to the average undecided voter who is "the best candidate to help the economy."
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    It's great to see the economic facts laid out in this way. I read an article earlier written by two economists who quantified the effect of tax increases on the wealthy and found that tax increases had little effect on job growth or the economy. Again, this article proves that "trickle down" economics isn't based on facts. I wonder why it is so compelling. Of course people would rather believe that independent investment would benefit the economy more than government investment. It's part of the American mythology. The only way to bust a myth is with facts like these.
Jonah Schacter

If Roe v. Wade Goes - NYTimes.com - 4 views

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    I believe that the biggest part of this election is in the social and civil rights issues. This article outlines the effects of a Romney win or Obama win on the Supreme Court. One of the fews direct powers a president has is appointing new Supreme Court Justices when one retires.With with four of the nine members over the age of 70 there is a high likelihood of a few retiring in the next for years. If Romney wins he will most likely appoint a conservative to the Supreme Court and that would threaten the Roe v. Wade decision in turn effecting the rights of women. There has been lots of talk about economic issues and the impact of the new president on the economy, but I believe that this issue of appointing Supreme Court Justices is far more important and basic civil rights could potentially be threatened as a result of the election
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    I think this article does a good job of outlining the actual impacts of the election on abortion rights, like you mentioned. The Supreme Court is a part of our government that I want to learn more about and am surprised less people talk about: the member's aren't elected, but rather appointed by the president, and they would be able to overturn (according to the article - I wonder how easy it would be) something as massively influential as Roe v. Wade. I totally agree with you that this issue of appointment should be a much larger concern for voters. This article leaves me wondering exactly how the chain of events of a Roe v Wade overturn would go: the most frightening and serious one I read was the roadblocks already put in place and suspended in states, which seem like they would have no lag time before going into effect.
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    I agree with John. This article highlights the importance of electing a president who will appoint justices who will uphold Roe v. Wade. It's easy to forget what it was like before abortion was legalized. Particularly important in this is the equity issue. Wealthy people will always be able to find and pay for safe abortions, while women with less money will not.
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    I agree that it is important to make the connection between the election of a new president and their effect on the Supreme Court. Even though the members elected might not have a huge effect on economic issues that have dominated the election, the impact the Supreme Court will have on individuals' rights is great.
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    I agree that this is an important issue, but I just can't see Roe V. Wade every being overturned, yet maybe I'm totally wrong. It seems just so irrational. Luckily, we won't have to deal with this problem...
John West

Karl Rove: He's Back, Big Time - Businessweek - 4 views

  • Wynn’s preference for anonymity in such transactions posed no obstacle. That’s the whole idea behind Crossroads GPS.
  • unlimited, undisclosed contributions from industrialists, financiers, and other loaded insiders
  • To maintain its supporters’ anonymity, a social welfare group like GPS must not have a “primary purpose” of a political nature, and it cannot coordinate strategy with candidates.
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  • unlimited-outside-money boom
  • the Crossroads-led offensive is collectively poised to spend more than $1 billion on the 2012 elections, according to Republican operatives. That’s roughly twice—repeat: twice—what Democrats expect to spend by means of their super PACs and social welfare groups.
  • The Democrat turned down public money, revealed himself to be a fundraising dervish, and outspent his opponent by nearly two-to-one.
  • some on the right “decided to create an enduring entity as a counterbalance.” Those entities are the Crossroads groups.
  • Rove pitched his proposed startup as a more professional alternative, one built to have impact in 2010 but endure long beyond. “The business model of a consultant-driven, vendor-directed entity that hired itself increasingly lacked credibility with donors and was unsustainable,” Rove explains.
  • “Conservative activists tend to act like six-year-olds on soccer teams,” he explains, “with everyone grouping around the ball and getting in each other’s way. Karl’s idea was that all of these organizations should share information, coordinate polling, reduce redundancy.”
  • many of those who are squealing the loudest now [about Crossroads] are the same people who were mute when groups on the left were pioneering the use of 527s and 501(c)(4)s. … Liberals cheered then but are now quick to try and stop conservatives from using the techniques they used in the past.
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    I was really interested by the section of the Conrad reading that dealt with campaign funding. This article details Karl Rove, one of the biggest names in political finance who has masterminded the Republican switch from "hard" (personal donations) to "soft" ("social welfare") funding. Many think of him as the man who kept Bush Jr. afloat for two terms, and now Romney has him in charge of funneling donations from massively wealthy, anonymous Republicans into a "social welfare organization" (to be spent on anti-Obama ads). Groups likes these on either side are part of what Rove refers to as the "unlimited-outside-money boom." While Republicans are not the only guilty party, I find it really disturbing that groups like American Crossroads and Crossroads GPS can be legally separate from the Romney campaign itself. This loophole encourages aggressive ads and a totally out-of-control budget - more than a billion dollars - during the campaigning. The advertising machine developed by the Romney campaign has twice the budget of Obama's: if he can't keep up, how could any less mainstream candidate even hope to? This article makes a really strong case for limiting spending. Rove makes a point about keeping the parties themselves stronger, but it was not enough to sell the idea to me. The grimmest part is the story of one-upping Rove gives: he created Crossroads as a response to Obama's doubling of the Republican budget in the last race, pointing out that this cycle could continue.
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    One of the ideas that stuck with me the most after reading this article about an issue that is certainly controversial, but somewhat unavoidable, was the quote you also brought up, which is that Karl Rove is invested in "[solidifying] Republican control in Washington, not subvert[ing] the party system." This paradox is really fascinating and seems masked by subtlety. By strengthening and giving great power to the Republican party, both in Congress and through the President, I would assume that the party system would be thoroughly changed. Even though a Democrat could run for the next term, if Rove is right in saying that this new way of campaign financing and organizing is cyclical, it seems like "Republican control in Washington" could turn into a more lasting situation. But because this article addressed the growing Democratic campaign financing world, which I have always struggled to learn more about, it is difficult to say if the growth of Republican resources would really change anything. If Democrats soon catch up in terms of their financial abilities and "receive unlimited, undisclosed contributions from industrialists, financiers, and other loaded insiders," then wouldn't it just elevate the scale of presidential campaigning, and the classic dynamics of the race would remain the same?
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    This article's description of Karl Rove's 501c4, which is supposed to be a non-profit, social welfare agency sharing offices with his 527 super-pac is very disturbing. It seems that it should be breaking some law that they share executives, employees, consultants, etc. The definition of "social welfare" in politics is a very slippery idea. So much has been made of the Supreme Court's Citizen's United decision's effect on the Repulblican's ability to raise huge amounts of money, I had no idea that the Democrats had been doing the same thing for a long time. The article refers to a book by Brendan Doherty, The Rise of the President's Permanent Campaign. The title itself exposes a sad truth about our political system. It never seems to end. It is wrong that all this money floods into "social welfare" agencies to research and pay for endless political ads when there is so much real work to be done to help real people. I can't help but wonder whether we can consider a system like France where politicians can only campaign for a short period of time or whether we should have a law that a president can only serve one six year term. He can then work on his agenda instead of always thinking about the next election.
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    I found this really interesting, especially being in the campaign finance small group for the presentation. The article does a good job describing the confusing nuances of 501s and 527s (superpacs and social welfare groups), but what I found the most interesting was the discussion of Obama's vilification of the Citizens United decision. The decision definitely hurt the Democratic party and gave the Republicans an advantage in the world of campaign finance, and this article seems to accuse Obama of deliberately misrepresenting the decision to make it seem worse than it was.
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    The part that stuck out to me in this article was when Rove tried to act as if unions and corporations should have the same rights. Unions represent large groups of people working for companies (i.e. the United Auto Workers). The people in these unions are generally blue-collar, working class people. Corporations on the other hand are all about making money. To me, it seems much more fair for unions to be able to run politically driven ads than corporations, but I'm not sure how that would work legally.
John West

Obama Can Say 'Climate' After All | The Nation - 5 views

  • “yes, my plan will continue to reduce the carbon pollution that is heating our planet, because climate change is not a hoax. More droughts and floods and wildfires are not a joke. They are a threat to our children’s future.”
  • Even George W. Bush, for all his resistance to tackling climate change, never made fun of it.
  • president’s own statements, before last night, have not been terribly reassuring either, if only because there have been so few of them.
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  • Obama appears not to have brought up “climate change” publicly a single time in 2012.
  • promised to “be very clear in voicing my belief that we’re going to have to take further steps to deal with climate change in a serious way.”
  • Even as his own government’s scientists were affirming climate change’s connection to the extreme weather events of 2012, the president declined to use his bully pulpit to make the connection clear to the public, much less attempt to rally Americans to action.
  • assumed that talking about climate change turns voters off: it’s too dark, too controversial, too complicated
  • “Three out of four Americans now acknowledge climate disruption is real, and more than two out of three believe we should be doing something about it,
  • In 2008, it looked as though Barack Obama would be the hero to lead such a quest. Now, his speech in Charlotte has raised hopes among some environmentalists that Obama, after an extended absence, may be ready to rejoin the battle
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    This article addresses a point that hit home with me from the Democratic National Convention: Obama brought up climate, but did not champion it in the same style and with the same conviction that he used to. Even while I was struck by his lack of gusto on the subject, the article is surprised that he brought it up at all. This issue has seen barely any coverage at all, with Romney in particular suggesting that even caring about climate change is shallow and ungrounded. He has continued to basically ridicule Obama's (self-proclaimed) devotion to the issue, which is not typical even for mainstream republicans. Obama himself has been almost entirely silent on the issue for the entire campaign (he brought up the term once in 2012). This article makes a really good partner for the first one Eli posted, which dealt with the variety of issues that the radicalization of parties has effectively silenced the debate over. As with the issue of immigration, we see the Republican Party leaning extremely right and making any productive discussion of the issue difficult. If Romney himself treats climate change as a joke and mocks environmentalism as a cause, how can the sides even begin to discuss specific issues of policy? I am honestly really doubtful of Obama's stance as an environmentalist: after the failure of one of his recent cap-and-trade policies, the term "climate change" was entirely avoided in his speech. I remember Dan saying in class that if Obama didn't claim to champion these issues during his presidency, you wouldn't be able to tell by his policy. From this article's description of his rhetoric for the last year, I would say that now he is neither talking the talk nor walking the walk, leaving his affiliation to this cause simply to the fact that he is a Democratic candidate and climate change is a "Democratic issue". To me, there is concrete proof that neither candidate has been taking climate change seriously this election. If both candidates are treating this
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    Climate change is just one of many issues that Obama must discuss in a specific way as to not seem too revolutionary nor liberal (I like how this article mentions that "Democratic politicians have shunned the "L word": liberal"). Every mention has to be well-tailored and as non-controversial as possible as to not offend a sensitive audience, which reminds me of how Obama addresses his views on social issues in front of more conservative audiences, where he either evades the topic at hand, whether it be about abortion or marriage equality, or presents his opinion in a simple and placid way. When discussing climate change, Obama employs a similar attitude, which I personally find maddening, especially since the article mentions that "the public... finally see for themselves... the reality of climate change" and that even if Obama took a more powerful stance on the issue, it would doubtfully make a big impact on his supporters, most of whom are already agree with Obama's alleged opinions. Beyond the very toned-down attitude Obama brings, it's also interesting what he chooses to note when mentioning climate change. Instead of honing in on details, he talks about events of the past few years that vaguely reference major problems and then focuses in on the aspects that could appeal to a broad range of voters, like when he talks about the "threat[s] to our children's future." This also serves to combat Romney's rather ridiculous claim that by focusing on the climate, it is impossible to also care about the American people themselves.
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    I think that Obama has been smart to stay mostly silent on climate change. Yes, it's a big issue, but had he made it a major cause of his campaign he would have been even more vulnerable to depiction by Romney as a head-in-the-clouds kind of guy. During an economic crisis, the voters want the president to be focusing on immediate steps for the good of the American middle class - more jobs, lower taxes, cheaper healthcare. Climate change can and obviously does evoke strong emotion in certain voting blocs, but for the majority of middle-class Americans who are still reeling from the recession, they want their president to be focused on their immediate recovery. I think Obama only brought it up here as a direct response to Romney's challenge - to not address it would make him seem weak in his stance. I also think it's worth noting that in this brief mention, he ties it to the immediate future, to help ward off that daydreamer image that Romney evoked.
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    I recently heard an interview with Michael Lewis who wrote an article for Vanity Fair that involved spending a lot of day to day time with Obama. One of the things he talked about was Obama's view of his ability to use his position as president as a "bully pulpit." Obama told Lewis that his experience had been that he, in particular, was such a lightning rod for negative response, that when he took a position conservative journalists and politicians automatically responded so negatively that it was more useful for him to operate more subtly. I would imagine that he was using his speech at the convention to let voters know that he still wants to do something about climate change, and takes it seriously. Hopefully, he will be in a position to do this when he is not thinking about re-election.
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    I think the way Obama has treated climate change as an economic issue is very compelling. One of the main issues that people have with renewable energy is that isn't currently economically sustainable. I think Obama can work on the issue of climate change with the economy in mind and that is what he is doing. The issue that Obama faces on bringing the climate change issue into the economic realm is the Solyndra investment that the government made under his administration. Obama needs to walk the fine line between championing climate change and doing what's best for the economy.
mabel taylor

Romney: Redistribution does not get people back to work - 4 views

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    I think this video is interesting because it demonstrates not only Romney's hope that he can move past the negative press that the video Mother Jones released brought to his campaign, but also how he will try to pose the statements in a way that will benefit his campaign. Trying to avoid talking about the comments would make him seem weak and I can understand why Romney would want to face them head on so as to prevent even more anger (I don't think he has actually been that successful in doing this). Romney discusses his comments as opinions he has always held and while he originally states that he was referring mostly to the campaign and voters, at the end of the video he mentions that he carries this opinion "day in and day out" and it is "the course of America" that he is concerned with. Discussing the negative comments only in the light of the race would seem like a smarter idea, so I wonder why Romney would even end with this comment? Another perplexing part of this video is how Romney starts off by saying he knows there are some voters he simply will not get, about half of the nation, but then goes on to say that he will do whatever he can to get as many votes as possible. Obviously I understand the desire to collect as many votes as he can, but he is more aware than anyone that there are some Americans who simply will not vote for him, especially after the comments he made about the country's dependents. Though this is a pretty clear dichotomy, it is interesting to see how Romney so blatantly speaks of it and how the faulty logic comes right out of the governor struggling to get his opinion across during the interview. This reactionary type of response is also seen when interviewer tries to steer Romney towards a specific issue and Romney bounces back to classic conservative rhetoric.
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    I disagree that touching on the comments would prevent even more anger and lashing out: I believe that the best damage control for his campaign right now would be to distance himself from the comments entirely. I think your point about his final comments, in which he basically reaffirms the extremely controversial message of the leaked video, is spot-on: this is exactly the opposite of what he should be doing to pick up the pieces after the scandal. Trying to reframe the comments at all, whether in positive or negative light, seems like a losing plan to me. I think that many of the people who his video offended are going to do very little follow-up on it, and the publicity that an incident like this generates is going to be difficult, maybe impossible, for him to recreate in a positive light. The video made news in a way and on a scale that none of his responses will, so his best bet would seem to be moving on from it. The contradiction you bring up in your second paragraph is the exact reason he should create distance from the video: in my mind, the comments he made are impossible to reconcile with his official policy and any kind of sensible public relations.
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    Interesting to see how Romney responded to the Mother Jones video with a calm smile and just turning each question into a part of stump speech stuff. He is taking the position that his plan is "compassionate" because it is "free people" and "free enterprise" who will help the increasing number of people "falling into poverty." Not very compelling, but hard to imagine what else he could do. Apologizing would be great, but he would then alienate his supporters who agree with the 42%.
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    Yeah, I think the 47% comment really sealed the deal on Obama winning the election. The Republican's attempt to humanize Mitt Romney at the convention was destroyed by the release of this video. The comments are clearly offensive, and like John said, there is no way that Romney can look good when talking about these comments. It completely fulfills the stereotype that lots of Americans have about Mitt Romney being out of touch and disingenuous when he talks about helping the middle class.
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    Yeah he's definitely scrambling to recover from that comment. I don't have much to say, but check out this ad from the Obama campaign: http://www.youtube.com/watch?feature=player_embedded&v=B9xCCaseop4. Pretty harsh. Romney's had a bad couple weeks.
miles henderson

Romney Adopts Softer Tone in Critique of Obama - 3 views

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    This article is very interesting because of the timing of Romney's softer tone in the critique of Obama so soon after many voters heard about the 43% comment Romney made. I think if Romney wants any chance of winning, he really needs to watch what he says and make sure he isn't made out to seem like more of a bad guy in the media. Although Romney compliments Obamacare he still points out what he does not like about it, showing his strong stance on what he thinks is positive and what needs change. It is unique that Romney is pointing out positive aspects of Obama care, because the GOP have often used Obamacare as one of the reasons why he should not be president again.
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    I tend to agree with you that being super partisan hasn't really worked for him so far, and that being a little nicer could be a good tactic. I like the point you make about Obamacare Just because he doesn't like it, doesn't mean that his policy needs to be entirely distinct from it in every way. This article reminds me of a conversation we had in our class about the "race to the center" that usually surrounds campaigning: since Obama and Romney have the far left and far right on their sides, the battle should be for the centrist voters. Maybe it's because of the general radicalization of his party (tea-party, etc.), but it seems to me that Romney hasn't been playing this game as much as he should. He can, and I would say should, be opposed to Obama in clear and distinct ways if he hopes to win, but I agree with you that it would be foolish to oppose him unconditionally. This attitude puts him in the position of bad guy.
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    I don't think Romney has said what he wants to keep or change at all. The idea that he could only keep the part about preexisting conditions is actually impossible when you take a look at the law. Without a lot of the portions of the act, the preexisting conditions pare doesn't work. By making all Americans essentially purchase healthcare, the healthcare companies can provide for people with preexisting conditions. Without that part of the law, it wouldn't really work for the insurance companies to profitably have people with preexisting conditions covered. I look at this as more rhetoric without substance. Check the article I posted about Obamacare and conservative ideals. I think it paints a nice picture of why Romney is screwed when it comes to talking Obamacare.
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    Yeah, this is an interesting call for Romney. I'm happy about it, but it certainly does seem calculated, especially his response of that he wants to keep "the part about pre-existing conditions." The phrase pre-existing condition is such an agitative buzzword, and it seems that this is a move intended to remove that specific buzzword from Obama's arsenal of rhetoric intended to pump up the base.
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    I agree with what you said John about how this could be part of a Romney tactic of moving towards the center and I am curious what aspects of Obama's policies and ideas Romney would consider taking on. It's interesting to think about this in the context of your comment Eli, because it seems like a lot of the concepts that Romney latches onto simply don't work with the reality of a policy or with the Republican platform. Saying that he supports coverage for individuals with pre-existing conditions could make Romney more appealing on a human level, but if it is so detached from his general stance, it ends up being useless. I think a more well-thought out focus on centrists could be really beneficial.
cody s

Andrew Sullivan on the Promise of Obama's Second Term - Newsweek and The Daily Beast - 5 views

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    This article addresses the potential of Obama's second term. Andrew Sullivan is a great writer (you all should look at his blog) and in this piece he predicts that in the event of an Obama win, several things would happen. First, he says, the Republican party would (might) experience a kind of whiplash from its extreme radicalization and loss, becoming more moderate. This - the cooperation of the Republicans in the Senate - could allow Obama to become a bi-partisan hero, dealing with the deficit and immigration reform. Why he chose Reagan to compare to I don't really know, but it's an interesting read.
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    The part about the "whiplash" for the Republican Party that you mention is compelling to me, partly because I've read things (I think a few on this Diigo group) that have suggested the exact opposite. Some Democrats are hoping that the radicalization of the Republican Party will continue and make a Democrat victory in 2016 a sure thing. What Sullivan is suggesting seems to make more sense. What he portrays as an entirely new second-term America under Obama seems to fit perfectly with the President's message of "finishing the job," and frankly strikes me as a little idealistic. The section on the first page that describes the unique conditions for a Reagan status second term (tax cuts, deficit was smaller, etc.) is very telling to me: from what I can tell, these circumstances don't exist in the same way today. For him to transform into the "bi-partisan hero" you are talking about with things like immigration reform, it seems like he will need to not simply "finish the job," but take on a totally new strategy (like, as Sullivan points out, Reagan did in his second term).
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    This is a very compelling argument for giving Obama 4 more years to finish what he has started. Even though it talks about "potential not prediction." More and more I'm understanding that Reagan was more of a centrist and more practical than idealogical.
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    I like the idea in this article that you brought up Cody, about Obama becoming a widely supported bipartisan President if he wins again, but it is pretty debased throughout by the constant references to today's great polarization between left and right. While the great partisanship between states and people and politicians is mentioned about other ideas, it seems pretty dreamy to think Obama could sidestep this in terms of his own legacy. Though Obama may not be able to change how the right perceives him, I think the difference between Sullivan's prediction about Republicans becoming more centrist compared to earlier ideas we have discussed where Republicans just become further absorbed in their sparsely-supported and deeply conservative views is really interesting and I am fascinated to see how that plays out. I can see how another win for Obama would lead Republicans to reconsider their platform and targeted voting blocs, but also the idea of withdrawing into their misguided viewpoints in a protectionist-type way also makes sense.
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    Well, it looks like what Sullivan predicted is right. The Republicans did experience a "whiplash" for all of their super right wing policies. I heard an interesting statistic that if the Republicans hadn't been able to do so much redistricting for their house seats, demographically, they would have lost the majority in the house.
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