Group items matching

in title, tags, annotations or url

The whole Syrian civil war began when 15 kids were arrested for writing anit-government things. Protestors began to fill the streets, peacefully, in 2011. The government opened fire on the protestors.

During Egypt's 2011 revolution, activist Dalia Ziada assumed all of the male protesters around her were fighting for her rights, too. But the following years told a different story. NPR's Host Jacki Lyden talks with Ziada about the evolution of women's rights in Egypt from the 2011 uprising to the current upheaval.

The article is about if Egypt is doing enough to counter widespread sexual harassment. The article also discuss the sexual harassment women faced during the 2011 uprising.

This article gives a historical evidence of the many fractures in the Muslim Brotherhood. It also walks those internal issues all the way down to 2011 which is when the article was written.

Those three countries have followed different trajectories since the start of the Arab Spring in 2011, but what they have in common now is instability that is not likely to be overcome in the short term.

Although Algeria's ruling elite appears to have a firm grip on power, strikes, protests and riots in early 2011 prompted President Abdelaziz Bouteflika to offer a series of concessions. In February 2011, the 19-year state of emergency was lifted. Two months later, the president promised to amend the constitution to "strengthen democracy".

Ruth Hanau Santini writes on women's rights in Tunisia, Egypt and Libya in the wake of the Arab Awakening. After female activists played a prominent role in actions leading to the recent leadership changes, Santini argues that women have been marginalized in the political space and their voices sidelined.

There's no doubt that the citizenry relied greatly on social media to network and organize during the Arab Spring, when areas in the Middle East and North Africa erupted in popular revolt during the early part of 2011. Platforms like Facebook and Twitter were used to call and coordinate protests, and also for sharing information on issues around the pro-democracy movement.

This article offers a differing perspective than most, stating that social media was more of a contributing factor in the middle eastern revolutions rather than "the driving force." Another interesting aspect of this article is the fact that it was written very recently. I think it's interesting how the difference of opinion over time on how social media has impacted and is continuing to impact revolutions in this area.

On 25 January 2011 hundreds of thousands of protesters started to gather in Tahrir Square and planted the seeds of unrest which, days later, finally unseated the incumbent president, Hosni Mubarak, after 30 years of power.

Could social media help build another uprising soon? Supporters of President Abdel Fattah El Sisi often claim that Egyptian internet activists are powerless and disconnected from reality. They say that activists are living in their own virtual bubble; however, recent incidents suggest otherwise. When the 'Arab Spring' began in 2011, the role social media played was undeniable.

Women in Egypt continue to fight for their rights. They continue to be abused even with laws that aim to protect them. 

A record of Michael Christopher Brown's life both inside and outside Libya during 2011, this new photobook details is about a young man going to war for the first time and his experience of that age-old desire to get as close as possible to a conflict.

The story discusses the election of Abdel-Fattah el-Sisi following the forced removal of Morsi whom was a leader of the Muslim Brotherhood. The Muslim Brotherhood boycotted the election in an effort to make their presence known as well as their strong belief in having Morsi return to office. The Muslim Brotherhood still banned from being recognized as an organization establishes the contradiction of the elections being "genuinely democratic."

The story discusses the election of Abdel-Fattah el-Sisi following the forced removal of Morsi whom was a leader of the Muslim Brotherhood. The Muslim Brotherhood boycotted the election in an effort to make their presence known as well as their strong belief in having Morsi return to office. The Muslim Brotherhood still banned from being recognized as an organization establishes the contradiction of the elections being "genuinely democratic."

This article discusses the issue of censorship. By talking with Egyptian novelist Khaled al-Berry, presented is the idea of a strong hope for less censorship because the January 25th revolutions had opened up a future of possibilities and challenges for Egyptian literature. While in previous years there had been no actual direct political censorship, publishers would attempt both religious and moral censorship as a means to protect people. While the article does discuss that there will always be censorship, they also look forward to a culture that values art and reading that will change the perspective of the culture.

Filmmakers are filming a film that talks about the sexual harassment issue that occurring in Egypt. Ninety-nine percent of women in Egypt have faced sexual harassment. It also shares the common misbeliefs that people believe due to American news. 

Both the current Egyptian authorities and the Muslim Brotherhood have failed to attract the support of the youth, while women participated in the recent referendum to support stability. The youth see the remnants of Mubarak's administration through the government structure. The revolution wouldn't be important without changes to the government. Many political groups are trying to coax the youth to being on "their side," and meanwhile, the Egyptian youth are struggling to find any positives. Gaining the vote of the youth generally means a win or loss for the politicians.

Both the current Egyptian authorities and the Muslim Brotherhood have failed to attract the support of the youth, while women participated in the recent referendum to support stability. The youth see the remnants of Mubarak's administration through the government structure. The revolution wouldn't be important without changes to the government. Many political groups are trying to coax the youth to being on "their side," and meanwhile, the Egyptian youth are struggling to find any positives. Gaining the vote of the youth generally means a win or loss for the politicians.

Due to Libya's lack of institutional structure and weak centralized government, rival militia violence and clashes have created constant chaos leading the country towards another civil war. After the fall of Qaddafi, who obliterated institutions necessary for a functional government, Libya has been unable to manage the state. The National Transitional Council, which replaced the Qaddafi Regime, turned into the General National Congress and was given 18 months to form a democratic constitution. When the deadline passed the constitution was incomplete, which forced Congress to organize elections to a new House of Representatives. The former GNC members declared a new self proclaimed GNC, electing Omar al-Hasi as their prime minister. The new GNC is not recognized by Libya's parliament nor is it by the international community. Al Jazeera says the country literally has two parliaments and two governments, creating inconceivable instability throughout the state. The newly elected House has moved to Tobruk after armed islamic GNC militia groups overran the capital, seizing control over the major institutions in Tripoli. Due to this lack of a functional government, the rest of the state has turned to chaos. After the civil war, anti and pro Qaddafi forces branched into militias striving for power. Without a working state and government, militias had to rely on themselves to provide security, and really have no incentive to give up arms and no true government to be a part of. General Khalifa Hifter, a former Qaddafi general who later joined the Libyan rebel army in 2011, formed an anti-militia militia, targeting islamist militias like Ansar al-Sharia. Hifter is not affiliated with either of the governments, but rather strives for a military government, and supreme control of the armed forces.

When Arab Spring protests broke out in Saudi Arabia in 2011, the government reacted quickly, pumping $130 billion into the economy and cracking down on dissent. While this approach has worked in some cities, the Shiite Muslims in the Eastern Province continued to demonstrate.

This article focuses on the graffiti on the streets of Cairo and how the graffiti has started to stand for more than just an expression of tagging, but rather art and a way of the revolution. The artists use graffiti as a way to communicate to others that they are seeing the injustices that are going on. This street art also binds together the artists of this city and their ideologies.

In this article, the Smithsonian presents Egypt's murals more than just art but as a part of the revolution.

This article was a great introductory to what graffiti art has become in Egypt, what it stands for and the meaning behind the paint. It explains that around 2011 individual people and other artistic groups began documenting the wrong doings, brutality and cruelty of the Egyptian regime. The author interviewed artist Ahmed Naguib, and he said, " people singing revolutionary slogans come and go, but the graffiti remains and keeps our spirits alive."

The dreams, hopes and anger of the Egyptian uprising after 2011 found their most direct and emotional expression through graffiti art, a Swedish journalist based in Cairo told a Duke audience Wednesday.

This was is an article that describes some of the most important graffiti art in great detail, along with some inside news. Ms. Grondahl talks about the mural that was made after the soccer massacre in Port Said, as well as a specific piece of art that was altered by some pro-military artists who erased the original message, although it was repainted over again.