ISTANBUL, Sept 20, 2014 (AFP) - Some 45,000 Syrian Kurds fleeing clashes with Islamic State (IS) militants have entered Turkey a day after Ankara opened up its border, Turkey's deputy prime minister said on Saturday.
BEIRUT, Oct 01, 2014 (AFP) - Fierce fighting between Kurdish militia and Islamic State jihadists for a strategic Syrian border town killed at least 10 people overnight, a monitoring group said on Wednesday.
What was
completely unexpected was the reaction in Istanbul. In the immediate aftermath
of the shootings the Taksim Solidarity movement simply
took to the streets, alongside Kurds.
From the
beginning secular nationalists with their origins in military Kemalism have
been an important component part of the protest movement. Once more they
joined. But this time while they were waving their Turkish flags they were shouting
for justice and repeating the name of a Kurdish boy – a Kurd killed by the very
same army that the media ( and almost everybody else) would expect them to
support.
Whatever
promise of a peace process Erdogan comes up with in the months to follow, when
he will try to salvage support in every way possible, it is not needed in the
same way. He is no longer the only peace-maker on the Turkish side. A
fundamental reconciliation has already happened. It's already taken to the streets
of Turkey. It's among the people. And it's called solidarity.
This youth uses two platforms to
produce the political: the streets and the social media. Both of these
platforms function concomitantly for the production of the political in two
ways.
Other than the already politicized
groups such as the Kurds and the leftists, the majority of this population has
not been in online or offline activism as part of the masses at large. The
youth, just like Turkish society as a whole, is fragmented into enclaves of
identity groups; however values such as individualism, freedom and liberty seem
to constitute the commonality among these groups.
Due to the minimum coverage
of demonstrations and police brutality across the mainstream news media, the
social media take up the role of traditional forms of news to spread the
information from the site of the demonstrations.
The arousal of consciousness about the
police brutality, human rights violations of the state against the dissident
voices of Turkey and the lack of autonomous media bring some of the young
people who follow the news from the mainstream media organizations in online
and offline environments to recognize that there were groups who have been victimized
in the past in the way that they are being victimized now.
Regardless of the particular motivation
for this varied group of protesters, there is a display of alignment among the
diverse young population of Turkey that wants to be heard and is determined to
speak rather than accepting the role of the obedient listener. Even if all
these revolts end without a gain of more democratic rights for the people of
Turkey now, the political consciousness of the sheer possibility of resistance,
dialogue and solidarity with others have arisen among the youth who might have
a chance to transgress the social boundaries of the identity-claves.
For
instance, a young lady as a representative of the anti-capitalist Muslims says,
“I don’t have any problems with Kemalists, secularists and others here. The
problem is this ruling power that fragments us and divides us into different
groups. We are together on this, because we want our rights and demand an end
to the dictatorship of this party”.
In a way counterrevolution
started already mid-March 2011 when Saudi and Emirati troops invaded Bahrain to
put an end to the movement. Precisely at the same moment NATO forces struck Gaddafi.
Cracking down on the uprising in Bahrain, while supporting Benghazi ?
It was an Arab
movement in the sense that it happened from the Atlantic Ocean to the
Persian-Arabian Gulf, which constitutes a cultural and linguistic zone, even if
the local dialects are different, a significant number of people have a mother
tongue other than Arabic (Tamazight, Kurds…) or do not consider themselves
Arabs. A region stretching out from its common destiny.
Through the policies
of infitâh (economic opening) and the process of privatization, the
coherence of the system built post independence has vanished. Neoliberalism has
deepened the differences between rich and poor. For the oligarchies,
privatization was the opportunity to plunder and control the benefits of oil
and other raw materials but also to snaffle the grants of foreign aid. In each
country the gap between oligarchy and society has widened. And rage has
accumulated.
The Islamists are (provisionally) the great beneficiary of a movement they
call “Islamic awakening”. The main Islamist parties have abandoned the
revolutionary utopian goal of the Islamic State and progressively transformed
into conservative political parties accepting
the parliamentarian game. These parties are rooted in urban middle class,
professionals, civil servants, etc. the kind of people who aspire to law and
order more than to the turmoil of Islamic
revolution.