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he cases were appealed to the United States Supreme Court which overturned the convictions in the landmark case of Powell vs Alabama.  The Court, 7 - 2, ruled that the right of the defendants under the Fourteenth Amendment's due process clause to  competent legal counsel had been denied by Alabama.  There would have to be new trials.

.  The Scottsboro Boys, for better or worse, cast their lots with the Communists who, in the South, were "treated with only slightly more courtesy than a gang of rapists."

The NAACP, which might have been expected to rush to the defense of the Scottsboro Boys, did not.  Rape was a politically explosive charge in the South, and the NAACP was concerned about damage to its effectiveness that might result if it turned out some or all of the Boys were guilty.  Instead, it was the Communist Party that moved aggressively to make the Scottsboro case their own.  The Party saw the case as providing a great recruiting tool among southern blacks and northern liberals. 

Everyone who had followed the case knew that Bates and Price both were wearing overalls.

She was a person of low repute, a prostitute.  She was neither crying, bleeding, or seriously bruised after the alleged gang rape.  She was fearful of being arrested for a Mann Act violation (crossing state lines for immoral purposes) when she met the posse in Paint Rock, so she and Bates made groundless accusations of rape to deflect attention from their own sins

As their trial date approached, they were moved to the Decatur jail, a rat-infested facility that two years earlier had been condemned as "unfit for white prisoners."

investigation could turn up no evidence of a Callie Brochie or the boardinghouse that Price said she owned,

Wright asked the Patterson jurors "whether justice in this case is going to be bought and sold with Jew money from New York?

Safely back in New York after the trial Leibowitz said of the jury that had just found his client guilty: "If you ever saw those creatures, those bigots whose mouths are slits in their faces, whose eyes popped out at you like frogs, whose chins dripped tobacco juice, bewhiskered and filthy, you would not ask how they could do it.

In his instructions to the jury, Callahan told them that they should presume that no white woman in Alabama would consent to sex with a blac

Why did Gilley suddenly appear as a prosecution witness when they most needed him?  Knight admitted that he sent weekly checks to Gilley's mother and occasional spending money to Gilley. 

No surprise to anyone, Patterson was again convicted of rape.  What was surprising, however, was that the jury sentenced him to seventy-five years in prison rather than giving him the death sentence the prosecution requested.  One determined Methodist on the jury succeeded in persuading the other eleven to go along with his "compromise."  The verdict represented the first time in the history of Alabama that a black man convicted of raping a white woman had not been sentenced to death.

Free of Alabama, but not of the label "Scottsboro Boy" or from the wounds inflicted by six years in prison, they went on with their separate lives: to marriage, to alcoholism, to jobs, to fatherhood, to hope, to disillusionment, to disease, or to suicide.

In 1934, when 400,000 East Coast textile workers went on strike to win union recognition, the bosses responded with a reign of terror, provoking one of the bitterest and bloodiest strikes in U.S. labor history.

Most importantly, the working class was no longer segregated along racial lines. The slowdown in immigration after 1914 brought with it a corresponding increase in internal migration. A half-million Southern Blacks moved north during World War I. By 1930, more than 25 percent of Black men were employed in industrial jobs, compared with only 7 percent in 1890. By the mid—1930s, Black workers made up 20 percent of the laborers and 6 percent of the operatives in the steel industry nationally. And one-fifth of the workforce in Chicago’s slaughterhouses was Black. White workers couldn’t hope to win unless they united with Black workers–and that wouldn’t happen unless they organized on the basis of equality.1

Teamster President Daniel Tobin even repeated former AFL President Sam Gompers’ earlier insult, calling unskilled workers "garbage."

The workers of this country have rights under this law which cannot be taken from them, and nobody will be permitted to whittle them away but, on the other hand, no aggression is necessary now to attain these rights…. The principle that applies to the employer applies to workers as well and I ask you workers to cooperate in the same spirit.23

The NAACP proposed to the AFL "the formation of an interracial workers’ commission to promote systematic propaganda against racial discrimination in the unions." In 1929, the NAACP again appealed to the AFL to fight racial discrimination. In both instances, the AFL did not even bother to respond.17 B

n the early 1930s, unskilled workers who wanted to unionize had no choice but to apply for membership in the AFL, but became quickly disillusioned by the indifference–and sometimes hostility–toward them by the union leadership. Unskilled and semi-skilled workers who joined the AFL were quickly shuffled off into "federal locals"–as subsidiaries with fewer rights than the brotherhoods of skilled workers

Blacks were effectively excluded from receiving minimum wages established in particular industries, because the NRA allowed employers to exempt predominantly Black job categories from coverage. In the South, where Black workers were still concentrated, workers were routinely paid less than Northern workers for the same jobs in the same industries. And in industries in which Black and white workers’ wages were made equal, it was common practice for racist employers to simply fire all their Black workers and replace them with whites, arguing that the NRA wage minimums were "too much money for Negroes." It was with good reason that within a matter of months, the NRA was known among Black workers as the "Negro Removal Act" and the "Negro Robbed Again."

The Great Depression was the most significant period of class struggle that has ever taken place in the United States. The sheer intensity of the struggle led ever broader sections of the working class to become radicalized and to begin to generalize politically. For a very short period of time as the working class movement advanced–between 1935 and 1937–the level of radicalization was such that on a fairly large scale workers began to realize that if they were to have a chance at winning, they had to confront all the bosses’ attempts to divide and weaken the working-class movement. Workers had to break down racial barriers and build genuine unity and solidarity; they had to prepare themselves to confront the violence of the bosses, which grew in ferocity during this period; they had to fight against anti-communism; and they had to break with the Democrats and the Republicans and form an independent working-class party.

But the Communist Party developed its first national campaign against racism through its years-long effort to free the Scottsboro Boys. The Scottsboro Boys case began in 1931 and dragged on for nearly 20 years, making it one of the most important antiracist struggles in U.S. history. But it was also important because it marked the first time in the U.S. that Black and white workers had ever joined together in large numbers in a campaign against racism. The Scottsboro Boys were nine Black youths, aged 13 to 21, who were arrested in Alabama on a charge of gang-raping two white women on a train. There was no evidence to support a charge of rape, but that didn’t matter–particularly since Alabama is a Southern state, where it was common practice to convict Black men on unsubstantiated charges of raping white women. Within two weeks of the incident, the Scottsboro Boys had been tried, convicted and sentenced to death by an all-white jury–all while a huge lynch mob of white racists stood inside and outside the courtroom. The Scottsboro Boys case was primarily an issue of racism, but it also divided the Black population along class lines. The National Association for the Advancement of Colored People (NAACP), a traditionally middle-class, liberal Black organization, refused to touch the case at first. As one author described, "[T]he last thing they wanted was to identify the Association with a gang of mass rapists unless they were reasonably certain the boys were innocent or their constitutional rights had been abridged."52 But the Communist Party had no such reservations. It immediately sent a legal delegation from its International Labor Defense (ILD) committee to offer to defend the Scottsboro Boys in court.