In 1899 the Japanese parliament enacted the Hokkaido Former Aborigines Protection Act, a law designed to achieve the assimilation of the Ainu population of northern Japan. The paradoxes of this piece of legislation are evident even from its title. The phrase "former Aborigines" was supposed to emphasize the fact that the Ainu were now citizens of a rapidly modernizing Japan, destined to merge their identity with that of the majority population. Yet, by singling the Ainu out as former Aborigines, and subjecting them to patronizing and oppressive assimilation measures, the Protection Act in fact helped to ensure the survival of prejudice and discrimination against the Ainu within the modern Japanese state.

The Hokkaido Former Aborigines Protection Law was to survive for almost a century. Although some of its most unpopular sections were repealed in the 1930s, it was not until May 1997 that it finally disappeared from the Japanese statute book, to be replaced by a new Ainu Cultural Promotion Law.

1997, indeed, marked something of a watershed in relations between the Ainu people and the Japanese state. In the same year, a district court in the northern island of Hokkaido ruled that the government had failed to respect Ainu cultural heritage and sacred sites when it expropriated land belonging to two Ainu residents for the construction of a dam in the village of Nibutani. The compulsory acquisition of the land had therefore been illegal.

The Ainu family was rather small. It consists of Father, Mother, and children. Along with other families, about 13 on average, would live in a Kotan. Living with extended family was rare and usually consisted of widowed family members. Death of a spouse would change your life back to how it was before you got married and dissolved connection to your late spouse's family. A widower would have a new home built new his kinsmen, the old house was burnt down. A widow went to live with her brother of her mother's brother. Children of opposite sex would be split up. Male children would live with the father's relatives and female children lived with Mother's relatives.

In the Ainu language, which they don't speak anymore, a widow was called cise sak menoko or woman without a home. Terms of relatives have changed to the Japanese terminology and have also had their detrimental affects on the Ainu. The traditional Ainu terms included ekasi and huci for grandfather and grandmother, respectively, on either the maternal or paternal side. Ona is your dad. Unu is your mother. Wife is maci and husband is hoku. Son is po and daughter is matnepo. These terms are not cognitive it is simply the relation of the individual. For example daughter is matnepo that consist of maci-ne-po and literally would mean po who will become mat or wife-to-be son. Besides Ona (dad) and unu (mom) all other terms are terms of reference and address. The terms of address for ona and unu are iyapo (daddy) and hapo (mommy), but these may also be terms of reference when kukor (my) is added, for example, kukor iyapo (my daddy). Gender is very important in for names. For example, a male Ego will call a female sibling (matepa) something different than a female Ego will call the same female sibling (mataki). Here it is easier to see that mat is similar to female in English. The Author explains that po is more likely to be offspring-of. So matnepo (daughter) is offspring to become women. Whether they are your or your wife's sister's or brother's kids all nephew and niece types are referred to as them same. A strange gender-less term, mitpo, applies to all grandchildren. Which also shows up in great grandchildren (san mitpo).

Descent groups of the Ainu are neither patrilineal nor matrilineal, but and amalgamation of the two. It was very hared for me to understand because it was explained using the Ainu terms without English translations. So unless I took the time to learn the Ainu language it will seem foggy. The complexity is that brothers and sisters have different descent groups. It is called juxtaposed descent. It seems a brother would trace patrilineal and a sister will trace matrilineal. All males on your father's side shared, a emblem or seal, itokpa. It was passed from father to sons. Members of this group shared the same deities, which must be worshiped. The eldest son would inherit the lions share of the father's wealth, but the youngest would gain the father's house. The same happens with the woman. At the time of her betrothal a girl would receive gifts and a girdle-type belt known as an upsor, kut, or a pon kut. The upsor was the same type as her mother's upsor. The women also received tattoos traditionally. One at puberty, the second around 15 years of age, and a third before she got married (around 19). Women were tattooed to appear similar to the gods of the culture. The demons wouldn't mess with the gods, so they also won't mess with a tattooed woman. Again the Japanese have broken this tradition by outlawing tattoos

Kinship, Marriage, and Family There are some basic features of sociopolitical organization that are shared by most of the Ainu groups, although their finer workings vary from region to region. Among most Ainu groups, the nuclear family is the basic social unit, although some extended families are present. In most Ainu settlements, males related through a common male ancestor comprise the core members who collectively own a hunting ground or a river with good fish runs. Although some scholars emphasize that among the Ainu along the Saru River in Hokkaidō women related through females comprise a corporate group, the exact nature of the group is unclear. Among these Hokkaidō Ainu, an individual is prohibited from marrying a cousin on his or her mother's side. Among most Ainu groups, a few prominent males in the community practice polygyny.

Marriage The Ainu people had various types of marriage. A child was promised in marriage by arrangement between his or her parents and the parents of his or her betrothed or by a go-between. When the betrothed reached a marriageable age, they were told who their spouse was to be. There were also marriages based on mutual consent of both sexes. In some areas, when a daughter reached a marriageable age, her parents let her live in a small room called "tunpu" annexed to the southern wall of her house. The parents chose her spouse from men who visited her.

The age of mdrriage was 17-18years old for men and 15-16 years for women, who were tattooed. At these ages, both sexes were regarded as adults.

When a man proposed to a women, he visited her house, ate half a full bowl of rice handed to him by her, and returned the rest to her. If the woman ate the rest, she accepted his proposal. If she did not, and put it beside her, she rejected his proposal. When a man became engaged to a woman or they learned that their engagement had been arranged, they exchanged gifts with each other. He sent her a small engraved knife, a workbox, a spool and other gifts. She sent him embroidered clothes, coverings for the back of the hand, Ieggings, and other handmade clothes. According to some books, many "yomeiri" marriages, in which a bride went to the house of a bridegroom with her belongings to become a member of his family, were conducted in the old days. The yomeiri marriage was conducted in the following manner. A man and his father brought to the house of a woman betrothal gifts, including a sword, a treasured sword, an ornamental quiver, a sword guard, and a woven basket (hokai). If they agreed to marry, the man and his father would bring her to their house or the man would stay at her house for a while and then bring her to his house. At the wedding ceremony, participants prayed to the god of fire. Bride and bridegroom respectively ate half of the rice served in a bowl, and other participants were entertained.

Hokkaido’s annual mean temperature is around 10.0ºC, which is similar to that of Chicago or Boston in North America. Hokkaido enjoys four distinct seasons with no rainy season and a cool, refreshing summer with low humidity. In winter, there is considerable snowfall on the Sea of Japan side and there are many days with freezing temperatures even in the daytime.

Surrounded in all four directions by the Pacific Ocean, the Sea of Japan and the Sea of Okhotsk, Hokkaido is home to a variety of magnificent mountains, extensive wetlands, beautiful lakes, marshes, rivers, forests and more. With expansive farmland, also referred to as the breadbasket of Japan, the prefecture produces a variety of products, consisting mainly of rice, dry-field crops, and dairy and livestock products. Hokkaido has two volcanic zones, along which many volcanoes and hot springs exist.

POPULATION: 25,000

Hokkaido, one of Japan's four main islands, is 32,247 square miles (83,520 square kilometers)—comprising one-fifth of Japan. Hokkaido is twice as large as Switzerland. A small number of Ainu live on southern Sakhalin. Earlier, the Ainu also lived in the southern Kuril Islands, along the lower reaches of the Amur River, and in Kamchatka, as well as the northern part of the Northeast region of Honshu. Their ancestors may have once lived throughout Japan. Hokkaido is surrounded by beautiful coasts. The island has many mountains, lakes, and rivers. Its land was densely wooded with ancient trees into the twentieth century. Two major mountain ranges, Kitami in the north and Hidaka in the south, divide Hokkaido into the eastern and western regions. The Saru basin area in southeastern Hokkaido is a center of Ainu ancestral culture. An 1807 survey reported the Hokkaido and Sakhalin Ainu population as 23,797. Mixed marriages between Ainu and mainland Japanese became more common over the last century. In 1986 the total number of people in Hokkaido identifying themselves as Ainu was 24,381. In the late nineteenth century, the Japanese government created a colonial office for Hokkaido's economic development and encouraged settlers from other parts of Japan. A similar government office now continues to promote Hokkaido's development. With the loss of their land, their livelihood, and their traditional culture, the Ainu had to adapt to a rapidly industrializing society.

Ainu who lived in Hokkaido, the Kurile Islands and Sakhalin were called "Hokkaido Ainu", "Kurile Ainu" and "Sakhalin Ainu"respectively. Most Ainu now live in Hokkaido. It has been confirmed that a few Ainu people now live in Sakhalin. The census of the Ainu was started by the Japanese in the 1800 s for various purposes, e.g. for putting them to work. The Ainu population from 1807 to 1931 varied as follows : 1807 : 26,256 1822 : 23,563 1854 : 17,810 1873 : 16,272 1903 : 17,783 1931 : 15,969 These figures (estimated ones) show that the population decreased particularly sharply from 1822 to 1854. The reasons for the decrease were, among others, the spread through the Ainu population of such diseases as smallpox, measles, cholera, tuberculosis and venereal diseases and the breakup of families due to forced labor. According to a current survey conducted by the Hokkaido Government in 1984, the Ainu population of Hokkaido then was 24,381.

Actual Living Conditions of the Hokkaido Ainu According to the Survey on the Hokkaido Ainu Living Conditions conducted in 2006 by the Hokkaido Government, the Ainu population in HokkaidoNote 1 is 23,782 in 72 municipalities. About 59.5% of these live in the subprefectures of Hidaka and Iburi (as shown on the map to the below). It is estimated that the Ainu population is far larger than the results indicate due to the constraints of the survey.

History of the Ainu

Hokkaido, the Northern island of Japan where the Ainu has inhabited, is full of natural resources based on rich river systems. Because of the fact and the location, the land of the Ainu had been both, Japanese and Russian's interests and the Ainu had been a target of extermination in order for them to obtain the flourished land.

View on the change of the Ainu Population As we can see in the following table and graph, the change in the Ainu population clearly indicates the evidence of Japanese exploitation of the Ainu which enforced them to give up their tradition and culture. We can not overlook Ainu's physical and psychological struggle over the abrupt change in their life style of which has been suffered with low economic income as well as harsh discrimination. I believe the struggle is one of the main causes of decreasing population. The population of the Ainu rapidly decreased between 1822 and 1873; about 7000 Ainu died over 50 years. The reason behind the rapid decrease of the population is thought to be the spread of epidemics, such as small pox, measles, cholera and tuberculosis beside the enforcement of Japanese culture and labor. Parallel to the uprising movement in 1960's, the Ainu population also has increased about 6000. Today, the Ainu population seems to be stable with small fracture in numbers.