Skip to main content

Home/ Ainu Wiki/ Group items tagged gather

Rss Feed Group items tagged

James Granderson

Ainu History and Culture - 0 views

  • Although the Ainu lived by fishing and hunting, they also considered wild plants important food. The following wild plants were gathered as foods : in spring (March to May), Garlic, Lag-wort, Wormwood, Angelica, Angelica Tree, Hogweed, Anemone, brackens, royal ferns, Hog-Peanut, etc. ; in summer (July to August), Heartleaf Lily, Corydalis, Woodbine, Roses, etc. ; in autumn (September to November), chestnuts, walnuts, Oak, Grape-Vine, Tara vines, Cork-tree, Water-nut, mushrooms, etc. Gathering wild plants was a job for women. They were freely allowed to gather wild plants in the vicinity of their own village. Tools for gathering wild plants differed from plant to plant. To gather Hog-Peanut and Garic, the Ainu used "shittap," an excavating tool made of deer horn or wood whose top was hook-shaped. To gather Heartleaf Lily, they used a stick called "tureptani" or "itani." To gather Marsh-Marigold, they used "puytaurayni, " a stick with a sharp tip. Besides these tools, table knives and mountain knives were also used to cut stalks and roots. The Ainu gathered wild plants with these tools and carried them in a "saranip, " a bag made of the bark of Linden or Budozuru.
James Granderson

Ainu History and Culture - 0 views

  • The Ainu believe that gods or their incarnations are found in every phenomenon and object, including natural phenomena from the sun, moon, thunder, wind, water and fire, to animals, plants, and implements that are related to human life. On every occasion, prayers are offered and various ceremonies observed. There is the house guardian, the god of fire, the god of windows, the god of the hearth, the god of entrances, the god of yards, the mountain god, the sea god, the lake god, the river god, the nursing god, the hunting god, animal gods of bears and owls, and the gods of pots, mortars and boats. Thus, numerous gods usually guard man and provide food, while at times disciplining him harshly. These gods, however, are not absolute beings. Man is able to argue with them when they commit errors regarding man. Gods are of help to man and therefore are appreciated by him, while man is also expected to serve gods. Gods and man exist in a relationship of mutual assistance.
  • The gods also disguise themselves as animals, plants and objects : for example, they pretend to be bears by wearing bear skins and bestowing food, animal skins, daily utensils such as pots and bowls, and boats. On the other hand, through ceremonies, man offers wine, dried salmon, and "inaw," sacred shaved stick, which are supposed to delight the gods. In addition to the above gods, there are also evil gods and other malevolent deities who cause man disease and mishap.
  • There are various ceremonies throughout the year, including ceremonies to send back spirits, a religious ceremony for ancestors, a ceremony for the completion of new house, and a ceremony to launch the year's first fishing of salmon and shishamo smelt. Sending spirits back, the most frequent of these ceremonies, treats and sends back the gods, who disguise themselves as animals, plants and objects, descend to the human world and supply food and other daily necessities. The ceremonies include "iyomante," "hopunire" and "iwakte," of which "iyomante," a ceremony for the sending back of the spirits of bear cubs is the most important.
  • ...1 more annotation...
  • The "iwakte" also is a ceremony to send back the spirits of disused daily necessities and festival-related articles which have become unusable from damage or age. The sending back of spirits of small animals, such as squirrels and hares also was called "iwakte" in some districts. Ash from a hearth and the bran of millet including yard millet were gathered at a certain site and returned to the divine world.
James Granderson

Ainu History and Culture - 0 views

  • We know from archaeological remains that, in Hokkaido, primitive small-scale agriculture existed in the period of the Satsumon ware (scratch-pattern pottery) culture. Foxtail millet, Chinese millet, deccan grass and so on were cultivated in this period.
  • The Ainu engaged in agriculture as a secondary activity to supplement hunting, fishing and gathering plants in the forests. The cultivated areas thus were small. Women raised crops as a part of housework, and men never took part in agriculture, being principally occupied in hunting and fishing.
  • The cultivation of vegetables started relatively recently. Potatoes, for example, are believed to have been raised when the Japanese introduced some seed potatoes in 1798 (10 th year of Kansei era). Japanese radish, Ieek, cucumber and pumpkin have been raised since the Edo era. This is said to be because of the influence of the Japanese who engaged in fishing in the area. Other vegetables which the Ainu have raised since ancient times include a kind of turnip called "atane."
  • ...2 more annotations...
  • For cultivation, the Ainu selected land with fewer grasses and trees. They frequently selected riverside land. For cultivation, they used a sickle called "toytayokpe."
  • They could rake up the soil while removing the grass-roots and allwith the sickle. Then they used a digging tool called "shittap," which was made with a deer antler or a tree bough, to remove the stumps and to crush the clods of earth. Finally, they leveled the ground with a fine rake called "areuwematapurip."
James Granderson

Ainu History and Culture - 0 views

  • The Ainu hunted from late autumn to early summer. The reasons for this were, among others, that in late autumn, plant gathering, salmon fishing and other activities of securing food came to an end, and hunters readily found game in fields and mountains in which plants had withered. A village possessed a hunting ground of its own or several villages used a joint hunting territory (iwor) . Heavy penelties were imposed on any outsiders trespassing on such hunting grounds or joint hunting territory.
  • The Ainu hunted bear, Ezo deer, rabbit, fox, raccoon dog and other animals. Ezo deer were a particularly important food resource for the Ainu as were salmon. They also hunted sea eagles such as white-tailed sea eagles, raver and other birds. The Ainu hunted eagles to obtain their tail feathers which were used in trade with the Japanese.
  • Hunting was done with dogs by several hunters who got on well with each other. Before the Ainu went hunting for animals like bear in particular, they prayed to the god of fire and the house guardian god to convey their wishes for a large catch, and safe hunting to the god of mountains.
  • ...3 more annotations...
  • The Ainu usually hunted bear during the time of the spring thaw. At that time bears were weak because they had not fed at all during long hibernation.
  • The Ainu usually used arrows to hunt deer. Also they often used traps, including spring traps loaded with arrows. Furthermore they drove deer into the river or sea and shot them with arrows.When aiming at a large catch, a whole village would drive a herd of deer off a cliff and club them to death.
  • The Ainu hunted with arrows and spears whose points were coated with poison. The poison, called "surku," was obtained from the roots and stalks of aconites. The recipe for making this poison was a household secret, differing from family to family. To enhance the effect of the poison, roots and stalks of dog's bane boiled juice of Mekuragumo, Matsumomushi, tobacco, and other ingredients were mixed. Furthermore stingray's deadly poisonous stingers or skin covering stingers were used.
James Granderson

Kamuy - Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia - 0 views

  • The Ainu had no writing system of their own, and much of Ainu mythology was passed down as oral history in the form of kamuy yukar (deity epics), long verses traditionally recounted by singers at a gathering. Each kamuy yukar recounts a deity's or hero's adventures, usually in the first person, and some of them are of great length, containing as many as 7,000 verses.[2] Some yukar contradict each other, assigning the same events to different deities or heroes; this is primarily a result of the Ainu culture's organization into small, relatively isolated groups.[3] Records of these poems began to be kept only in the late 19th century, by Western missionaries and Japanese ethnographers; however, the Ainu tradition of memorizing the yukar preserved many.
James Granderson

Settlements - Ainu - 0 views

  • There was considerable variation in the permanency of Ainu settlements. Until the turn of the century, the basic pattern of the Sakhalin Ainu was a seasonal alternation of settlement between a summer settlement on the shore and a winter settlement farther inland. In the winter settlement, they built semisubterranean pit-houses. Ainu settlements were usually located along the shore, with houses in a single line parallel to the shore. The Kurile Ainu migrated even more frequently. In contrast, on Hokkaidō, permanent settlements were located along the rivers, which were rich in fish from mouth to source—an unusual situation for hunter-gatherers.
kirkch01

The Ainu: Beyond the Politics of Cultural Coexistence | Cultural Survival - 0 views

  • In 1899 the Japanese parliament enacted the Hokkaido Former Aborigines Protection Act, a law designed to achieve the assimilation of the Ainu population of northern Japan. The paradoxes of this piece of legislation are evident even from its title. The phrase "former Aborigines" was supposed to emphasize the fact that the Ainu were now citizens of a rapidly modernizing Japan, destined to merge their identity with that of the majority population. Yet, by singling the Ainu out as former Aborigines, and subjecting them to patronizing and oppressive assimilation measures, the Protection Act in fact helped to ensure the survival of prejudice and discrimination against the Ainu within the modern Japanese state.
  • The Hokkaido Former Aborigines Protection Law was to survive for almost a century. Although some of its most unpopular sections were repealed in the 1930s, it was not until May 1997 that it finally disappeared from the Japanese statute book, to be replaced by a new Ainu Cultural Promotion Law.
  • 1997, indeed, marked something of a watershed in relations between the Ainu people and the Japanese state. In the same year, a district court in the northern island of Hokkaido ruled that the government had failed to respect Ainu cultural heritage and sacred sites when it expropriated land belonging to two Ainu residents for the construction of a dam in the village of Nibutani. The compulsory acquisition of the land had therefore been illegal.
  • ...9 more annotations...
  • The Colonization of Ainu Moshir Until the middle of the nineteenth century, "Ainu moshir" ["the land of the Ainu"] covered most of the island of Hokkaido, as well as the southern half of Sakhalin and the islands of the Kuril Archipelago (which are now part of the Russian Federation). Earlier, Ainu occupation had extended further south, into the main Japanese island of Honshu. During the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries, Ainu society felt the growing impact of the gradual northward expansion of the Japanese state. Japanese merchants established trading posts along the Hokkaido coastline; exchanging goods like rice and ironware for fish and seaweed, and for the Chinese brocades which Ainu traders bought from the Asian continent. Gradually, however, the Japanese presence became more intrusive, provoking several waves of armed resistance from the Ainu. The last major conflict, the Battle of Kunashir-Menash, took place in 1789. Until the middle of the nineteenth century, most Ainu people continued to speak their own language and maintain their own spiritual and material traditions, even though a growing number were persuaded or forced to work for Japanese-run fishing enterprises.
  • While asserting Japan's right to independent nationhood, Japanese scholars adopted notions of "progress" and "civilization" which defined the Ainu as "prehistoric hunter gatherers," destined either to extinction or to assimilation into the majority population. As in other parts of the world so too in Hokkaido, the land occupied by the original inhabitants was seen as "terra nullius" to be claimed by the state and distributed to colonial settlers. Ainu were required to adopt Japanese names and speak the Japanese language. Ainu communities were also often moved to remote areas to make room for new Japanese towns and villages. By the early 1880s, the Ainu population of Hokkaido, officially estimated at around 17,000, was already vastly outnumbered by a Japanese settler population of approximately 250,000. (It is worth observing though that given high levels of intermarriage, adoption, and social prejudice, official counts of the Ainu should always be treated with some caution.)
  • The Ainu, however, have never been passive victims of colonization. By the early twentieth century, a number of Ainu leaders were voicing resistance to the prejudice that they were experiencing in Japanese society. One of the more interesting instances of protest took place in 1927 when Kaizawa Hiranosuke, an Ainu villager from Nibutani, wrote to the government demanding the right for Ainu and other Indigenous people to be represented at the Congress of Asian Peoples in Nagasaki, an event being organized to promote Japan's status as a leader in the Asian struggle against colonialism.
  • It was not until the 1950s and 1960s that Ainu activists began to place growing emphasis on the maintenance or revival of disappearing craft skills, rituals, and modes of Indigenous knowledge.
  • Among them was Kayano Shigeru, who put together the large collection of Ainu artifacts now displayed in the Ainu Cultural Museum at Nibutani.
  • In 1987 Ainu representatives participated for the first time in the deliberations of the UN Working Group on Indigenous Populations. Interaction with Indigenous peoples worldwide gave encouragement to the Ainu cause, and promoted renewed debate amongst activists about issues such as Indigenous knowledge, resource rights and self-determination.
  • So began a prolonged campaign, which led to the passing of the 1997 Cultural Promotion Law.
  • So far, the law's most obvious result has been to focus attention on the fundamental question, "how and by whom is `Ainu cultural heritage' defined?" The whole notion of "cultural heritage," as embodied in the new law, implies notions of continuity rather than change, stability and order rather than conflict.
  • But as Ainu commentator Tahara Ryoko points out in a recent collection of essays on the new law, "Ainu culture is not limited to language or ceremonies or dance. It is Ainu life itself. Whatever happens every day within the household is Ainu culture."
1 - 7 of 7
Showing 20 items per page