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Arabica Robusta

Pambazuka - Haiti 2010: Exploiting disaster - 0 views

  • Almost every credible observer agreed about many of the most urgent things that needed to happen.[36] The recovery had to be Haitian-led. The priority had to be measures that would empower ordinary Haitian people to regain some control over their lives, to gain or regain access to an education, an income, a place to live, a future for themselves and their families. The internationally-imposed neoliberal policies that for decades have devastated the agrarian economy and reduced the state sector to an impotent façade had to be dropped and then forcefully reversed. There had to be massive and systematic investment in essential public services, in all parts of the country. Genuine Haitian sovereignty, popular, economic and political, had to be restored.
  • The strategic plan drafted in early 2009 by neoliberal 'development' economist Paul Collier and subsequently adopted by the UN's reconstruction team remains geared above all to the exploitation of Haitian poverty, as the most reliable means of generating new profits for the benefit of elite and multinational corporations. The political framework that will force implementation of this plan remains one in which the autonomy of Haiti's people and government is reduced more or less to zero.
  • In early March, Préval called on the United States to 'stop sending food aid' to Haiti 'so that our economy can recover and create jobs.'[41]
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  • he key decision, however, involved the creation of a mainly foreign body to decide on the allocation of these promised billions, the Interim Haiti Recovery Commission (IHRC). The commission is jointly chaired by Haitian Prime Minister Jean-Max Bellerive, and former US President (and former Haiti occupier) Bill Clinton. (Original plans for a 24-member board – 11 Haitians along with 13 foreigners representing international financial institutions and the larger donor nations – had to be revised, in the face of subsequent protests, to allow for numerically equal Haitian/foreign representation). Once plans are approved by this IHRC, another group of foreign technocrats and World Bank officials will then supervise the subsequent spending.[44]
  • Today, Patrick Elie notes, 'Haiti is the most privatized country in the world. Almost everything that could be privatized here has been, and the only reason prisons have not been privatized is because it is not yet profitable for them to do so.'[49]
  • With modest job creation and credit facilities in the countryside, with small amounts of money for seeds and fertiliser, Jeffrey Sachs pointed out in late January, 'Haiti's food production could double or triple in the next few years, sustaining the country and building a new rural economy.'[53] But as usual, Haiti's small farmers received little or nothing. Only a paltry US$23 million of the UN's initial request for emergency funds was intended for the agrarian sector, and by the end of February the UN admitted that even this money still hadn't been received. 'In the countryside', Reed Lindsay observed in early March, 'there is no evidence of any humanitarian aid, much less for agriculture.'[54] As a result, confirms Mark Schuller, 'with no jobs, no aid, no prospects of rural development, nothing to keep people in the provinces, the bulk of this reverse migration was undone, and Port-au-Prince is once again a magnet for those seeking jobs.'[55]
  • In the immediate aftermath of the earthquake, up in the higher, wealthier and mostly undamaged parts of Pétionville everyone already knew that it's the local residents 'who through their government connections, trading companies and interconnected family businesses' would once again pocket the lion's share of international aid and reconstruction money.[56] At the same time, their counterparts in the US, represented by powerful think tanks and lobbyists like the Heritage Foundation, the American Enterprise Institute or the RAND Corporation, were quick to see that (as RAND's James Dobbins, one of Clinton's former special envoys to Haiti, put it) 'this disaster is an opportunity to accelerate oft-delayed reforms', including 'breaking up or at least reorganizing the government-controlled telephone monopoly. The same goes with the Education Ministry, the electric company, the Health Ministry and the courts.'[57]
  • Foreign investors and foreign NGOs, needless to say, also tend to need foreign protection to guarantee their security. True to form, once the initial wave of foreign troops began to subside, private, neomilitary security companies like Triple Canopy (which took over the Xe/Blackwater security contract in Iraq in 2009 and Overseas Security & Strategic Information began promoting their services.[71] As an Al Jazeera report on a 9-10 March meeting of security companies in Miami explained, firms like GardaWorld, DynCorp and their ilk naturally 'see new disaster areas as emerging markets.'[72]
  • There are currently around 25,000 garment-sector workers in Haiti, making T-shirts and jeans for labels like Gildan, Hanes, Gap and New Balance. Factory profit margins average about 22 per cent.[74] Canadian garment manufacturer Gildan is one of several companies that expanded production in Haiti after the 2004 coup, reassured by a post-democratic regime that promised a tax holiday and a moratorium on wage increases.
  • As some investors and their advisors are candid enough to admit, Haiti's most significant 'comparative advantage' remains the stark fact that its people are so poor and so desperate that they are prepared to work for no more than a twentieth of the money they might receive for comparable employment in the US.[78]
  • Given his commitment to this old agenda, notes Richard Morse, UN envoy Bill Clinton isn't bringing change or hope to Haiti. 'Clinton, along with USAID, the World Bank, the Inter-American Development Bank and the United Nations are bringing more of the same to Haiti: More for the few and less for the many.'[80]
  • as Schwarz demonstrates in convincing detail in his 2008 book ‘Travesty in Haiti’, food aid has been deployed systematically and deliberately, from the beginning of its intensive use in the 1980s, to 'destroy the Haitian economy of small farmers.'
  • Today, Isabeau Doucet writes, 'tens of thousands of families are subject to a relentless cycle of exodus, dispersal, and brutality at the hands of the Haitian National police and privately hired armed groups, in violation of Haitian and international law.' In some places, 'rather than clearing rubble from the streets, bulldozers are plowing over the tents of undesired "squatters" only to resettle IDPs expelled from elsewhere.'[95]
  • As you might expect, there is no such sense of loss among people more directly concerned by the disaster. Perhaps the most striking feature of the whole post-quake period has been the extraordinary hardiness and discipline of the hundreds of thousands people who have lost their relatives, homes and possessions, and who from day one began to organise themselves into new communities.
  • Grassroots organizations still meet regularly to develop their strategies for political change, as they have throughout history. Across the country on any given day, small groups perch on broken chairs under tarps in refugee camps, huddle amidst rubble in the courtyards of earthquake-destroyed schools, or sweat under thatched-roof gazebos […]. They are developing pressure points for housing rights and protection against rape for those in camps. Some plan information campaigns aimed at sweatshop workers, others programs to politicize youth. The agendas are seemingly endless.’[106]
  • In the election year of 2010, as in the previous elections of 2000 and 1990, the key political difference remains the division between (a) critics calling merely for a more efficient deployment of reconstruction resources and more 'reasonable' forms of cooperation with the occupying troops and aid workers, and (b) activists working to rekindle popular mobilisation for fundamental political change as the only viable means of regaining national sovereignty and establishing social justice.
  • Patrick Elie, likewise, stakes everything on a renewal of the popular movement that opened the door to political change in the late 1980s: 'I put all my money on our ability, at the level of the grassroots movement, to remobilise the Haitian people, to make them believe, once more, that they are the key players in politics.'[114]
  • Unfortunately, the main institutional legacy of the Lavalas mobilisation – Aristide's Fanmi Lavalas (FL) party – is itself both divided and largely excluded from the political process. After its landslide election victory in 2000, opposition politicians anticipated that FL might remain hegemonic for 'sixty years'.[115] The second anti-Lavalas coup and its aftermath have helped level the political playing field.
  • The FL leadership has made matters worse by indulging in years of sterile post-Aristide in-fighting.
  • In the election of 2010, as in the last four presidential elections in Haiti, everything will depend on whether this unity and this consciousness are strong enough to prevail over the vast and diverse array of forces drawn up to oppose them. The earthquake has sharpened and accelerated the basic political choice facing Haiti: Either renewal of the popular mobilisation in pursuit of equality and justice, or long-term confirmation of the island's current status as a neocolonial protectorate.
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    Almost every credible observer agreed about many of the most urgent things that needed to happen.[36] The recovery had to be Haitian-led. The priority had to be measures that would empower ordinary Haitian people to regain some control over their lives, to gain or regain access to an education, an income, a place to live, a future for themselves and their families. The internationally-imposed neoliberal policies that for decades have devastated the agrarian economy and reduced the state sector to an impotent façade had to be dropped and then forcefully reversed. There had to be massive and systematic investment in essential public services, in all parts of the country. Genuine Haitian sovereignty, popular, economic and political, had to be restored.
jhon mark cabulong

'New Moon' Interview with Robert Pattinson - 0 views

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    New Release Movie: 'New Moon' Interview with Robert Pattinson
jhon mark cabulong

'The Twilight Saga: New Moon' Trailer 3 HD - 0 views

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    New Release Movie: 'The Twilight Saga: New Moon' Trailer 3 HD
pushpainram

State of the Union: Obama to seek tax raises on wealthy - Blog - 0 views

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    State of the Union: Obama to seek tax raises on wealthy President Obama is to use Tuesday's State of the Union speech to call for tax increases on the wealthy to help the middle class, officials say. The proposals would raise $320 billion (£211 billion) over a decade, to fund benefits such as tax credits. The speech is the centerpiece of the US political diary and may shape both Mr Obama's legacy and the 2016 election. But the president faces resistance to his proposals, with Republicans controlling both Houses of Congress. With the US economy growing, President Obama will stress that it is time for ordinary US families to feel the benefits. According to US officials, who spoke on condition of anonymity, the plans include: Closing a loophole allowing the wealthiest Americans to pass on certain assets tax free · Raising capital gains tax on the richest earners from 23.8% to 28% · New fees on US financial firms with more than $50 billion (£33 billion) in assets The revenues would raise more than enough to fund the proposed benefits for the middle class, according to the officials. These include tripling child tax credits, help for families with two working spouses and extra incentives to save for retirement. For more latest news visit www.cutereel.com Lables : watch free videos online, latest videos online, Upload videos online for free.
Arabica Robusta

Pambazuka - Haiti 2010: Exploiting disaster - 0 views

  • If the 1980s were marked by the rising flood that became Lavalas, by an unprecedented popular mobilisation that overcame dictatorship and raised the prospect of modest yet revolutionary social change, then the period that began with the military coup of September 1991 is best described as one of the most prolonged and intense periods of counter-revolution anywhere in the world. For the last twenty years, the most powerful political and economic interests in and around Haiti have waged a systematic campaign designed to stifle the popular movement and deprive it of its principal weapons, resources and leaders. The January earthquake triggered reactions that carried and that are still carrying such measures to entirely new levels.
  • For the time being, at least, it looks as if the threatening prospect of meaningful democracy in Haiti has been well and truly contained.
  • When Aristide then won a second overwhelming mandate in the elections of 2000, the resounding victory of his Fanmi Lavalas party at all levels of government raised the prospect, for the first time in Haitian history, of genuine significant political change in a context in which there was no obvious extra-political mechanism – no army – to prevent it. In order to avoid this outcome, the main strategy of Haiti's little ruling class all through the past decade has been to redefine political questions in terms of 'stability' and 'security', i.e. the security of the wealthy, their property and their investments.
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  • During these years, the UN authorities behind this extraordinary 'stabilisation mission' have resorted to levels of violent coercion without parallel in UN operations anywhere else in the world. They have been reinforced by thousands of re-armed and re-trained Haitian police, along with thousands more private security guards hired to protect wealthy families, their businesses, and the foreign contractors and NGOs they do business with. Dozens of anti-occupation demonstrations held on the streets of Port-au-Prince during these years have had little or no political effect.
  • In the immediate aftermath of the earthquake, few tried to counter arguments in favour of allowing the US military, with its 'unrivalled logistical capability', to take de facto control of the relief operation. Weary of bad press in Iraq and Afghanistan, US commanders also seemed glad of this unexpected opportunity to rebrand their armed forces as angels of mercy. As usual, the Haitian government was instructed to be grateful for whatever help it could get. That was before US commanders actively began, the day after the earthquake struck, to divert aid away from the disaster zone.
  • The earthquake took place on Tuesday; among many others, World Food Program flights were turned away by US commanders on Thursday and Friday, the New York Times reported, 'so that the United States could land troops and equipment, and lift Americans and other foreigners to safety.'[7] Many similar flights met a similar fate, right through to the end of the week. Médecins sans Frontières (MSF) alone had to watch at least five planeloads of its medical supplies be turned away.[8] Late on Monday 18 January, MSF 'complained that one of its cargo planes carrying 12 tonnes of medical equipment had been turned away three times from Port-au-Prince airport since Sunday,' despite receiving 'repeated assurances they could land.' By that stage one group of MSF doctors in Port-au-Prince had been 'forced to buy a saw in the market to continue the amputations' upon which the lives of their patients depended.[9]
  • 'Together with geopolitical control', observed Camille Chalmers a few weeks later, 'we believe that the militarization of Haiti responds to what Bush called a "preventive war" logic. The U.S. fears a popular uprising, because the living standards in Haiti have for so long been intolerable, and this is even more so the case now; they are inhumane. So the troops are getting ready for when the time comes to suppress the people.'[17]
  • No foreign rescue workers, for instance, were dispatched to the site with perhaps the single highest number of casualties, the Carrefour Palm Apparel factory contracted to the Canadian company Gildan Activewear, which collapsed with hundreds of workers still inside.[22] (Gildan responded to the disaster, within hours, with a reassuring announcement that it would be shifting production to alternative sewing facilities in neighbouring countries.[23]).
  • Haiti can be proud of its survivors. Their dignity and decency in the face of this tragedy is itself staggering.'[28] As anyone can see, however, dignity and decency are no substitute for security. No amount of weapons will ever suffice to reassure those 'fortunate few' whose fortunes isolate them from the people they exploit.
  • 'We see throughout Haiti the population themselves organizing themselves into popular committees to clean up, to pull out the bodies from the rubble, to build refugee camps, to set up their security for the refugee camps. This is a population which is self-sufficient, and it has been self-sufficient for many years.'
  • While Senegal's President Abdoulaye Wade offered 'voluntary repatriation to any Haitian that wants to return to [the land of] their origin', American officials confirmed that they would continue to apply their long-standing (and thoroughly illegal) policy with respect to all Haitian refugees and asylum seekers – to intercept and repatriate them automatically, regardless of the circumstances.[31]
  • When US ambassador to Haiti Kenneth Merten paid a visit to Washington in mid February he declared himself satisfied with the work in progress. 'I believe that this will be something that people will be able to look back on in the future as a model for how we've been able to sort ourselves out as donors on the ground and responding to an earthquake.'[35]
Arabica Robusta

Cholera and Healthcare in Haiti - 0 views

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    "When questioned by journalist Ansel Herz about the stalling of a wage increase from $3 to $5, Farmer, the new voice of the occupiers, also stalled as he seemed to have forgotten his own treatise on 'pathologies of power'."
Arabica Robusta

The Uses of Paul Farmer » Counterpunch: Tells the Facts, Names the Names - 0 views

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    I asked Samuel Maxime, editor of Defend Haiti, an online news magazine popular with the Haitian diaspora, what he thinks of Farmer today. He said it's hard to criticize anyone working on health in Haiti because lives are at stake. Indeed, this makes it difficult to subject Farmer or any humanitarian to critique. But meaningful accountability is precisely what's been missing from the aid sector. Farmer himself made the point in our first interview. "Nonetheless, I think Farmer is a large part of the machine that enables corruption in Haiti," Maxime continued. "In the grand scheme of things I believe someone like Farmer, who knows right from wrong, integrity from corruption, and looks the other way as he does - he enables it, in fact, like MLK Jr. would say - they are complicit in it."
Jeannie EWSIS

Op-Ed Contributor - Aftershocks - NYTimes.com - 4 views

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    I bookmarked this article because it is written from the perspective of Haitians. The writer is resenting the way the media is showing the earthquake itself, oftentimes overly exaggerating what is going on in Haiti. "I am focusing now on what is essential in life: love and friendship. Like most people here, I am not watching the news. We have limited power, and anyway it seems futile and even absurd to be a spectator of my own life, especially when the TV images highlight only the misery of our country. Many of us Haitians are offended by the coverage of the earthquake. Once more, a natural disaster serves as an occasion to showcase the impoverishment, to exaggerate the scenes of violence that are common to any catastrophe of this type." The author does mention in the article that many Haitian victims are even more hurt by the other foreign media because many of them exaggerate the situation.
Paul Allison

BBC News - Haiti's history of misery - 2 views

  • In addition to these natural disasters, Haiti has suffered throughout its history from political turmoil and misrule.
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      This seems to be a balanced view of the recent political history of Haiti -- after 1986 (when CBS stopped looking.)
Adriana EWSIS

What will we do now ? - 1 views

New York 1,Good Morning America,ABC News all had the same headline Earthquake in HAITI ....at first it did not really catch my eye but when i logged on to the int ernet the first thing that po...

started by Adriana EWSIS on 20 Jan 10 no follow-up yet
Lynise James

Haiti's mass graves swell; doctors fear more death - Yahoo! News - 8 views

  • St. Juste, a 36-year-old bus driver, wakes up every day and goes out to find food and water for his daughter. "I wake up for her," he said. "Life is hard anymore. I've got to get out of Haiti. There is no life in Haiti."
    • Lynise James
       
      I wonder if her mother died in the rubble? This poor man has to watch his little daughter on his own and wake up everymorning and leave her to get her food and water. I wonder how she feels when she is left alone. Who does he leave her with?
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    There was another earthquake that just made the situation worse. There was an aftershock on Wednesday, and buildings broke down and people ran out on the streets running. "The most powerful aftershock yet struck Haiti on Wednesday, shaking more rubble from damaged buildings and sending screaming people running into the streets eight days after the country's capital was devastated by an apocalyptic quake." l just hope that there are no more earthquakes in this area, people there are already suffering from their loss of family members and properties..
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    Its horrible that survivors are now dying. They already been through the worst but now have to face even more struggles. Some of them are getting diseases as they wait laying under tents for doctors to save them. Some of them have big wounds and its not being treated. Their getting diarrhea and other sicknesses that can possibly kill them. Living in overcrowded tents and unsanitary conditions also add to the death tolls. Its already at about 200,000.
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    The father has to go out on his own to find food and water for his little girl
Reasat EWSIS

The earthquake in Haiti - 0 views

The earthquake in Haiti is a tragic disaster that devastated hundreds of thousands. Many people have taken action to aid the people of Haitian. Even celebrities and big name figures have taken ac...

earthquake haiti 2010 history haitian opposing news latimes.com npr newsweek.com NBA donation money recover

started by Reasat EWSIS on 20 Jan 10 no follow-up yet
Diallo EWSIS

2010 Haiti Earthquake - 3 views

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    When I think about Haiti it makes me really sad because the earthquake just had to hit an area where most of the residents there are really poor. They can barely support themselves and their family with their jobs, and now they had to deal with this horrendous disaster. They lost their homes, jobs, properties, and family members. It's sad to hear that the Haitian government itself has also broken down and it is not strong enough to give support their own people. They have to rely on foreign organizations to recover. I have also read in a Wikipedia article that even the United Nations feels that the earthquake is one of the worst disasters, because of the lack of help from the national government. Other organizations are giving lots of support to help the victims but they need immediate help in finding shelters, food, and money. I'm wondering when the kids can go back to school. If it's going to be months before they can go back to their education system I think that some sort of help in education children should also be there. What kind of support is the Haitian government giving while the victims are suffering? What is the United Nations doing? How are the victims dealing with the situation? How long before Haiti get on its own feet? How can Haiti be more prepared for future earthquakes?
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    2010 Haiti Earthquake I am a caring person. I sometimes may care too much about certain things that doesn't have anything to do with me. However, this disaster in Haiti touches me deeply. So deeply that I tend to cry sometimes. Its very sad. My mother and step father has donated hundreds of dollars however, to help the victims. Many people have lost their lives and sanity and dignity. Families are destroyed and homes are demolished. The Haitian people may think that their is no more hope, and that their lives are over, but its actually just beginning. They have a chance to make positive changes now in their lives. Start new, fresh and find new beginnings. All hope should not be lost. Many people are doing their best to help these victims. Its because they have hearts and they care so much about humanity. People like that deserve awards and medals even though they may not want it. No one deserves to be crushed alive, or left in indecent places to starve and suffer. It just happens though sometimes. It is life. This was a natural disaster. However, its not about toughing it out though. Its more about believing in your self and that you can overcome this. 5 Questions 1. How many deadly natural disasters has Haiti had for the past five decades? (earthquake,decades,natural disasters) 2. Why hasn't celebrities donated more money to the relief fund? (money,celebrity,help,donate) 3. Why does US owe Haiti billions of dollars, they were always very poor?(poor,broke,Haiti spending) 4. Who else owes Haiti reparations? (money,haiti,bills,reparations) 5. Will Haiti ever bounce back from this destruction? (death,destroy,lives lost)
Alexis EWSIS

2010 Haiti Earthquake - 0 views

Right now I feel a little sad for the Haitians, but not overcome by emotions. I feel angered that it is taking so long for help to reach there, shouldn't countries have some type of earthquake sup...

2010 earthquake haiti people news

started by Alexis EWSIS on 20 Jan 10 no follow-up yet
AndreaLee EWSIS

Thoughts and Questions - 1 views

A week has passed since the recent earthquake attack at Haiti, and it still number one news. How do I feel? I feel sympathetic, horrible, shocked, and most of all, a little tired of hearing the new...

2010 history haiti earthquake

started by AndreaLee EWSIS on 20 Jan 10 no follow-up yet
Arabica Robusta

Haiti: Persecution and death threats to camp activist & human rights lawyer - 0 views

  • On April 13th the camp residents received a visit from Renold Georges who claimed to be the owner of the land.  He threatened to burn and bulldoze the camp if they did not leave the camp.  The following Monday a section of the camp was set on fire by two motorcyclists, possibly in the hope of keeping Renold Georges promise to destroy the whole camp.  
  • The police arrested two camp residents, Meril Civil and Darlin Lexima who was released after 24 hours.   Lexima reported to the camp lawyers that he was beaten and that he believed Civil was also beaten.  According to the police, Civil was taken to the hospital but died.  However,  Lexima believes he was killed in the police station and was already dead when he arrived at the hospital.
  • Elie is well known to the Commissariat Delta Force as he was arrested in August following floods brought about by Hurricane Sandy.  The camp residents were protesting about the flooding in the camp, the lack of water and the many tents which were destroyed.   Elie spent three days in police custody during which time he was severely beaten.  He was released after the court threw out the case for lack of evidence.    He believes the police and particularly the Delta force have a vendetta against him.
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  • In Haiti there are two problems : everyone wants to be a Chief and secondly the white man has too many interests in the country so if they don’t kill you for the power, they will kill you for the interest of the blan [foreigner]!
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