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Some suggest that Trump and the malign forces he has summoned up have already done so much damage to the institutions of U.S. democracy—especially his failure to contain the COVID-19 pandemic and his open encouragement of racial violence and national division—that his reelection in November could damage forever the 244-year-old American experiment of a republic of laws.

Some have openly warned that a second Trump term represents an existential threat to American democracy.

“There’s no question in my mind that it’s the most important election in American history. The stakes are just enormous,”

more than 91 million who already cast early ballots

Tuesday's moment of destiny -- and what could turn into a prolonged count owing to the crush of mail-in votes -- will decide whether Americans reject Trump after a single term or re-up for four more years of his brazen presidency.

The President on Sunday night hinted that he could seek to dismiss Dr. Anthony Fauci after the election after rejecting the admired infectious diseases specialist's science-based recommendations on the pandemic.

The episode was one more reminder that, as he has sought reelection in 2020, Trump has relied heavily on the playbook he drew up to win the White House once before.

He's trying to re-create that full out warfare he created in 2016, and in part so many of his actions are because Trump himself is superstitious.

Most presidential candidates have followed a time-honored path -- focusing on their base of support in the primaries and pivoting to more centrist rhetoric during the general election to win over independent voters. Trump never made the pivot, Conant said.

President Donald Trump and his reelection campaign are signaling they will pursue an aggressive legal strategy to try to prevent Pennsylvania from counting mailed ballots that are received in the three days after the election.

Pennsylvania Secretary of State Kathy Boockvar, a Democrat, already has told local elections officials to keep the late-arriving ballots separate, but also to count them.

The president has made a flurry of last-minute campaign stops trying to hold onto states he won in 2016, including Pennsylvania, Florida and North Carolina.

President Trump arrives at Election Day on Tuesday toggling between confidence and exasperation, bravado and grievance, and marinating in frustration that he is trailing Joseph R. Biden Jr., whom he considers an unworthy opponent.

Trailing in most polls, Mr. Trump has careened through a marathon series of rallies in the last week, trying to tear down Mr. Biden and energize his supporters, but also fixated on crowd size and targeting perceived enemies like the news media and Dr. Anthony Fauci, the federal government’s infectious disease expert whom he suggested on Sunday he might try to dismiss after the election.

It is not clear, however, precisely what legal instruments Mr. Trump believes he has at his disposal.

A Nevada judge has rejected a lawsuit by President Trump's reelection campaign and state Republican officials seeking to halt mail-in ballot counting in Clark County.

In the lawsuit, Trump's campaign and the Nevada GOP alleged that they could not observe all aspects of the ballot-counting process closely enough, and wanted to install cameras to record the process.

There is no evidence that any vote that should lawfully be counted has or will not be counted. There is no evidence that any vote that lawfully should not be counted has or will be counted. There is no evidence that any election worker did anything outside of the law, policy, or procedures

Trump plans to hold a large indoor gathering for 300 to 400 guests at the White House on Tuesday to watch the election returns, only a few weeks after a White House event to announce his Supreme Court nominee Amy Coney Barrett became a superspreader event.

Birx’s report goes to pains to dispute Trump’s false claims that coronavirus cases are increasing only because of increases in testing. Monday’s report notes that although testing is flat, a rising number of tests are positive, suggesting “community spread is much worse than is evident by current [measurements].”

An earlier, Oct. 17 report sounded the same theme: It cited increasing daily hospital admissions, rising fatalities and emergency room visits, and bluntly stated, “this is not due to increased testing but broad and ever increasing community spread.”

President Donald Trump will need to overcome significant deficits in key states from early voting and mail-in ballots in order to win reelection, officials from Joe Biden’s campaign said on Tuesday morning.

“Trump has such a harder hill to climb today to overcome the advantage we came into today with,”

The Trump campaign would essentially need to sweep all of those states to win the 270 votes necessary to claim an Electoral College victory. 

The president previously refused to say whether he would accept the results of the election and whether he would commit to a peaceful transfer of power.

President Donald Trump on Tuesday said he would only declare victory in his reelection bid “if there’s victory,

he plans to declare himself the winner on election night even if it only looks like he’s ahead.

"This isn't about -- yeah, it is about me, I guess, when you think about it," T

You can see what happened here. Trump likely had prepared remarks that said something like "This election isn't about me -- it's about you and what kind of future you will have."

Which is a line politicians use all the time because they believe that it conveys that their run for president isn't solely about their own personal ambition or desires, but rather about what's best for the country

President Donald Trump’s 2020 campaign has repeatedly accepted donations from well-known white supremacists, extremists

The Trump campaign, which did not respond to HuffPost’s request for comment on this story, has been aware of at least some of the white supremacists’ donations, past media reports show

it is common practice for political campaigns to voluntarily forfeit donations from extremists.

many people are anxious that national polls which have shown Joe Biden with a sizable lead for months will once again be shattered by a last-minute comeback from Donald Trump.

Of those who already voted in 2020, a quarter did not cast a ballot in 2016.

Americans are marching to the voting booth in 2020 as a broader and more diverse electorate than this nation has ever seen

Pro-Democrat (or anti-Republican) partisans are already convincing themselves that the party’s stumbles on Tuesday are attributable to “whiteness”—even when the voters they lost weren’t white.

Architect of the Pulitzer Prize-winning “1619 Project,” Nikole Hannah-Jones immediately went about explaining away Donald Trump’s surprisingly strong showing in places like Miami-Dade County by attributing the victory to “white Cubans,” who are “Hispanic” only insofar as that is a “contrived ethnic category.” Influential former ESPN host Jemele Hill insisted that it is “on white people” and “no one else” if Trump had won. “I don’t trust the White vote,” former RNC Chair Michael Steele told Washington Post columnist Jonathan Capehart. “And I don’t trust it because, at the end of the day, it is very self-serving.”

This is rapidly becoming enforced dogma on the left. When elected Democrats depart from this line of thinking, they are berated and harangued until they retreat.

Beating Trump, often written off by political professionals in 2016 as the weakest major-party candidate in modern presidential history, was not as easy as they would like to believe. For some, he is the center of a personality cult, but for many more, he is selling a compelling, reactionary vision of an America they wish existed, or being a blunt battering ram through establishment politics

Some voters drawn to his assertiveness and glad to see taxes down and their own finances doing well dismissed his racism and red-baiting. Some voters weary of the pandemic ignored his sophomoric mismanagement of it.

“There was an assumption that because Trump was so unconventional, his victory was a fluke, and any other Democrat would be in a position to beat him,” says Jennifer Palmieri, who worked alongside Biden in the Obama White House

This portrait of how Biden defeated Trump — and how Trump helped sabotage his own hopes for a second term — is the result of interviews with 65 Trump and Biden aides, advisers, confidants, lawmakers and political operatives, many of whom spoke on the condition of anonymity to share candid details of the 2020 campaign.

From the beginning, Trump and Biden made wildly different bets on the path to victory in 2020, taking divergent routes on nearly everything: from tone and message, to how to run their respective campaigns — and whether to wear a mask.

Throughout his first term, Trump was a leader who governed as he had first campaigned — freewheeling, chaotic, and as an outsider — despite now being the incumbent. He was controversial, profane and used racist rhetoric, offering up grievance-filled tirades that portrayed himself as the victim.

Ever since Joe Biden was declared President-elect earlier this month, the Trump campaign has made a target of cities, falsely accusing them of voter fraud and corruption.

"You knew if you lived in Philadelphia. Unless you're stunod -- that's an Italian expression for stupid -- unless you're stupid, you knew that a lot of people were coming over from Camden to vote," he said. "They do every year. Happens all the time in Philly. ... And it's allowed to happen because it's a Democrat (sic), corrupt city, and has been for years. Many, many years. And they carried it out in places where they could get away from it."

they use the same racist messaging that's defined the Trump administration for the past four years.

Reading the excerpt from your new book in the Wall Street Journal, along with summaries of it in The Post and the New York Times, makes clear that you are confirming in every particular — and then some — the indictment of Trump by his critics. The president is every bit as ignorant, incompetent, capricious and heedless of the public interest as many of us have been saying while you stayed silent or supported him.

In sum, your book presents an ironclad case that Trump is utterly unfit for the office you thought he should win in 2016. As you write: “He second-guessed people’s motives, saw conspiracies behind rocks, and remained stunningly uninformed on how to run the White House, let alone the huge federal government.”

the driving factor for Trump’s collapse appears to be race. Polls have consistently shown that Americans disapprove of his response to protests of police violence and believe that he has worsened race relations. In the New York Times/Siena poll, race relations (33 percent) and the protests (29 percent) are the only areas where issue approval lags behind his overall vote preference

Even if voters approve of Trump’s handling of the economy, it’s no longer much of a positive benefit. And the profusion of news coverage has made issues of race impossible to ignore.

Alternatively, perhaps voters are shifting not just their priorities but their views. As the political scientist Michael Tesler writes, there’s evidence of real shifts in public opinion on race over the past six weeks or so.

“This guy was a violent criminal, and the U.S. Marshals killed him,” Trump said. “And I will tell you something — that’s the way it has to be. There has to be retribution when you have crime like this.”

During his interview with Pirro that aired Saturday night, the President also threatened militaristic crackdowns on any potential “riots” that break out on November 3 if he were to win reelection.

“We’ll put them down very quickly if they do that,” Trump told Pirro. “We have the right to do that. We have the power to do that, if we want.”

William B. Crews is, by day, a public affairs specialist for the National Institute of Allergy and Infectious Diseases. But for years he has been writing for RedState under the streiff pseudonym. And in that capacity he has been contributing to the very same disinformation campaign that his superiors at the NIAID say is a major challenge to widespread efforts to control a pandemic that has claimed roughly 200,000 U.S. lives.

Under his pseudonym, Crews has derided his own colleagues as part of a left-wing anti-Trump conspiracy and vehemently criticized the man who leads his agency, whom he described as the “attention-grubbing and media-whoring Anthony Fauci.” He has gone after other public health officials at the state and federal levels, as well—“the public health Karenwaffen,'' as he’s called them—over measures such as the closures of businesses and other public establishments and the promotion of social distancing and mask-wearing. Those policies, Crews insists, have no basis in science and are simply surreptitious efforts to usurp Americans’ rights, destroy the U.S. economy, and damage President Donald Trump’s reelection effort.

“I think we’re at the point where it is safe to say that the entire Wuhan virus scare was nothing more or less than a massive fraud perpetrated upon the American people by ‘experts’ who were determined to fundamentally change the way the country lives and is organized and governed,” Crews wrote in a June post on RedState.