Slavery in Africa is a very old institution with diverse origins, forms, and ramifications.
https://www.diigo.com - 2 views
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Slavery in Africa - African Studies - Oxford Bibliographies - 2 views
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herefore subject to different perceptions and definitions
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Forms of servitude like polygyny, tribute payments, and retainership of royal households were practiced in Africa but were not slavery in the strict sense of the word, though they are known to have created enabling conditions for slavery. The history of slavery in the continent shows development from servitude to slavery,
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In simpler terms , this ,means that African's already practised a sense of having servants work for them in their households and royal kingdoms , however , they did not practise slavery . This then poses a debate cause if African's practised having servants that went through the conditions of slavery , one can argue and say they influenced the mindsets of the Europeans into enslaving the Africans.
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The trans-Atlantic, trans–Red Sea/Indian Ocean, and trans-Saharan slave trades appear to have been largely responsible for introducing slavery and analogous practices among many African peoples.
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slavery is defined as the subjugation of individuals to temporary or permanent involuntary servitude, including using such persons as chattels, as sex slaves, and in rituals. Slavery is not determined by the way an enslaved person is treated but by the fact that the function such a person performs is involuntary.
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Slavery was the act of "owning " a person. " slaves" were sold to the highest bidder and that bidder had a sense of possession upon that slave . The bidder / the slave -owner had the right to use and treat the slave the way they had desired too. The slaves were treated as sex slaves , labourers and many more . In some regions , the slaves worked for their " masters " which is the slave owner till they die or become unworthy of their services.
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Though slavery in Africa dates back to the periods of ancient Egypt, Roman imperialism in North Africa, and the epoch of ceremonial kingship of ancient empires of Sudan, it became a terrible experience only during the external slave trade.
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European colonization of Africa is linked to the trans-slave trade in that it weakened the continent so badly that it did not take much effort on the part of European imperialists to colonize it. It also exposed the rich resources of the continent, which the Europeans exploited with impunity through colonization.
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Zulu Courtesy - Document - Nineteenth Century Collections Online - 4 views
Guns, Race, and Skill in Nineteenth-Century Southern Africa - 5 views
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DEFENCE OF THE CAPE COLONY UNDER BATAVIAN RULE 1803 - 1806.pdf - 4 views
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ugh th
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n this article I wish to examine the impact this preparation for a (defensive) war had on the Cape C
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of autochthonou
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r marauding
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Troops The troops selected to form the garrison of the Cape were the following: The 22nd and 23rd battalions of infantry with each a total of 764 men in nine companies formed the main bulk of the armed forces.
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gun from their former employers
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. They particularly resented the use of armed Khoi forces against their fellow-countrymen and attributed the revolt of their Khoi servants to its presence.
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he so-called "Ho
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Nonetheles the burghers of all districts greatly feared the armed Khoi forces1
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Janssens and de Mist, determined on continuing the policy of racial segregation fixed the Fish River as the border between Kaffraria and the colony. Janssens negotiated with Chief Gaika on this point and asked him to allow the rebellious Xhosa groups who had fled his authority to return back to their former territory which was under his jurisdiction. Gaika agreed to this19 but the rebellious Xhosa groups, for fear of reprisals, were very reluctant to cross the river into Kaffraria. Complete segregation was thus never achieved. Janssens, however, ordained that all the Khoikhoi and especially the Europeans living within Xhosa territory had to return to the colony.20 He feared that they might incite the Xhosas against the inhabitants of the Cape Colony and cause an invasion.
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. In a meeting with Janssens on the 24th of May 1803 the Xhosa chiefs agreed to deliver deserters and runaway slaves to the colonial authorities
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hen, taking into consideration the danger of the demobilised soldiers becoming rebels or armed robber
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anssens believed that the burghers would be very reluctant to leave their farms and houses without protection for a longer period (almost 20 000 of the Cape's European population of 25 775 lived in the outlying districts in 1805.44) Creating a "Hottentot Corps" seemed a viable alternative as Janssens had to remind the settlers who were very much opposed to parting with their cheap Khoi labour force
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defence. Waggons, oxen, horses, boats and even slaves were requisitioned by the government.57 It appears, however, that Janssens did not meet with much opposition from the colonists on this account - at any rate not comparable to their opposition to the sending of Khoi recruits for the armed forces.
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Many of the Khoi deserters were still very young and seen as having been led astray by the ringleaders. One of them was under 15, Platje Stoffels and Des Bourzak were not older than 15, Claas Cohn younger than 16, Claas Booy not older than 16, and Oerson Dragonder not yet 18.
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The Pedi kingdom and guns - 6 views
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Sekhukhune I, King of the Bapedi, successfully resisted the Boers during a protracted Boer/Bapedi land ownership dispute. On 16 May 1876, the Volksraad of the South African Republic declared war on Sekhukhune and his followers. A Boer commando under President T.F. Burgers, armed with 7 pounder Krupp guns, reached the Bapedi stronghold on 1 August. The Bapedi, also armed with rifles, offered stiff resistance and inflicted a humiliating defeat on the well-armed Boer force. Even the support of an impi of Swazis, sworn enemies of Sekhukhune, could not secure a victory for Burgers. After the final assault on 2 August, the Boer commando retreated and went home, leaving a corps of volunteers behind under command of Capt. C. von Schlickman, a former German officer. To defend his empire from the encroaching European colonization, Sekhukhune sent young men under the authority of 'appointed' headmen to work in white farms and diamonds mines. The money the yearned in these employments was taxed and used to buy guns from the Portuguese in Delegoa Bay
BJNFCI724452744 (1).pdf - 4 views
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February 17, 1883 - Document - Nineteenth Century Collections Online - 16 views
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TOWNS AND DEFENSIBLE POINTS healthy for Europeans. The temperature in November and Decem-. ber, March, April, and May, is about the same as in summer in Northern Europe. The hottest time is from the end of December till the end of February. The nights are always cool. It is free from mosquito and tsetse. The fort consists of a four-sided stone and clay wall, 10 ft. high and 1 ft. 6 in. thick. Within, at the SE. and NW. angles, are the officers houses, two-storied buildings. The ground floors form the stores for ammunition, «fee. The lower story is of. stone, but the upper story, owing to the liability to earthquakes, of timber work and plaster. Verandahs, 12 ft. wide, surround the building. At the SE. angle is a bastion commanding the adjoining valley. The fort has 2 guns. The ordinary garrison consists of 1 Company ot Protectorate troops. Just to the W. of the fort is a substantial two-storied building f° r the accommodation of the non-commissioned officers. The privat ев and their wives live in a street of huts outside the fort. New Moshi is about 6 miles SE. of Moshi, and is a station on the Tanga-Usambara railway. A modern hotel is nearing com¬ pletion. There are 20-30 Europeans, mostly employed on the rail¬ way
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The East African Ivory Trade in the Nineteenth Century.pdf - 25 views
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THE East African ivory trade i
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reat quantity.1 Reference to the export of ivory from the East African coast continues throughout the early and later middle a
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entury, ivory continued to be an important export; it receives more mention in Portuguese records than does the slave tra
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But it was in the nineteenth century that the great development of the East African ivory trade took place. An
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out the nineteenth century, East Africa ranked as the foremost source of ivory in the world; ivory over-topped all rivals, even slaves, in export value, and it
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Nile, became an important centre at about the same time that Tabora, in central Tanganyika, came into prominence as a great meeting place for Arab ivory and slave hunters from the East Coast.
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The popular measurement of cloth in East Africa was the 'piece' or shukkah which, although varying in breadth, was always four cubits in lengt
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Although there was a rise in the price of ivory at the time of the Franco-Prussian War from ?39 to ?68 per cwt., ivory exports remained around 400,000 lb., despite the price rise, and continued at this level almost to the end of the century, except for a poor year in 1885, when they dropped to 260,000 l
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The value of ivory was calculated in different ways. The African estimated its value by its size and qual
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he Arab carried his steel-yard scales which were simple and practical, and, all things being equal, he purchased ivory by weight, the unit being the frasilah (34-36 lb.).16 In the southern Sudan and some parts of East Africa-for example, in Karagweivory was valued in terms of cattle, and this was one of the causes of the cattle raids carried out by ivory dealers. With the cattle they looted, they could trade for more ivory.
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4. The ivory traders were a law unto themselve
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ivory is white, opaque, and smooth, it is gently curved, and easily worked, and has what might be called 'spring'. Hard ivory, on the other hand, is translucent, glossy and of a heavier specific gravity than soft ivory; it is more subject to extremes of temperature and more difficult to carve.
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Various figures have been put forth to show the number of elephants killed to supply the above ivory exports. Baker's estimate that 3,000 elephants were killed annually, to supply the ivory transported down the Nile during the i86os, may not be far off the m
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ivory was used for piano and organ keys, musical instruments, billiard and bagatelle balls, not to mention the ivory inlaid butts of six-shooters for the American west.
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The Relationship between Trade in Southern Mozambique and State Formation Reassessing H... - 12 views
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F or the past 37 years, David Hedges’ cattle trade theory has dominated the historical analysis of state formation in southern Africa during the 19th century.
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The Portuguese ivory trade at Delagoa Bay started in 1545, when a sporadic trade based on the monsoon seasons laid the foundation for the export of ivory that would boom in the latter half of the 18th century
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his trade has been a key element in the dominant explanations offered for accelerated processes of political centralisation in northern Kwazulu-Natal, which culminated in the rise of the Zulu kingdom
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This article reviews the evidence and arguments presented by Hedges and suggests that while his work haws provided an important contribution to the debate, elements of his argument need substantial revision
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n 1799, the Portuguese established a permanent fort on Punta V ermelha, supplying ivory to the market through Mozambique Island.
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According to him, the structures initially developed to maintain a large supply of ivory to the coast were significant to state formation. Hedges proposed that the boom in the ivory trade created a greater need for labour, which in turn led to chiefs drawing on regiment age sets, or amabutho, to facilitate hunting elephant in order to deliver a constant supply of ivory to the market
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The debate about the causes of state formation in northern Kwazulu-Natal has included a wide range of factors: individual genius, population growth, trade and drought. Most historians would now avoid a single explanation for this phenomenon, and there is also an acknowledgement that the processes at work lie further back in time and developed over a wider geographical area than thought at first.
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he argument that trade with Delagoa Bay played an important part remains unchallenged, but what exactly this role was is far from clear.
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The argument that trade with Delagoa Bay played an important part remains unchallenged, but what exactly this role was is far from clear. The ‘Mfecane debate’, and in particular Cobbing’s suggestion that slave trading had played a decisive role, sparked interest in the issue, but it waned after Eldredge’s critique of the periodisation of his argument.
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According to Newitt, this period of drought lasted between 1794 and 1802, and the Mahlatule is widely cited as a possible cause for political, social and economic changes leading to the emergence of the Zulu Kingdom. 5
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The focus of this article is on trade, but its purpose is not to suggest that this is the only significant factor.
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edges also stressed the external demand for ivory as the reason for the ivory boom, rather than, as I claim, the internal demand for brass as the reason for the ivory boom. 7
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ater asserted that the origins of centralised political authority lay in the ivory trade, largely because
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he chiefdoms of the northern Nguni were progressively incorporated into exchanging commodities with Europeans from 1750. 10
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Hedges modified Smith’s trade theory by suggesting that a cattle trade replaced a sharply dwindling ivory trade during the late 18th century, and argued that it was this change that influenced the development of state formation
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The debate about the causes of state formation in northern Kwazulu-Natal has included a wide range of factors: individual genius, population growth, trade and drough
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ccording to him, the structures initially developed to maintain a large supply of ivory to the coast were significant to state formation. Hedges proposed that the boom in the ivory trade created a greater need for labour, which in turn led to chiefs drawing on regiment age sets, or amabutho, to facilitate hunting elephant in order to deliver a constant supply of ivory to the marke
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ccording to him, the structures initially developed to maintain a large supply of ivory to the coast were significant to state formation. Hedges proposed that the boom in the ivory trade created a greater need for labour, which in turn led to chiefs drawing on regiment age sets, or amabutho, to facilitate hunting elephant in order to deliver a constant supply of ivory to the market.
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he boom in the ivory trade created a greater need for labour, which in turn led to chiefs drawing on regiment age sets, or amabutho, to facilitate hunting elephant in order to deliver a constant supply of ivory to the market
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edges claimed that the ivory trade had rapidly declined by the end of the 18th century, and was replaced by a substantial cattle trade based on whalers’ need for fresh meat.
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The amabutho, previously employed to hunt, were subsequently used for cattle raiding.
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he country trade was a special feature of the English East India Company (EEIC) that allowed either servants or ex-servants of the company to import quantities of certain goods on their own accounts. 16
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Trade flourished in the Indian Ocean because traders were given the freedom to explore coasts and take advantage of trade within the terms of their licences.
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ough the European trade base was situated on Inhaca Island, the trade hub along the Bay’s shores had come to include a section along the Maputo river stretching into the interior, and involved the northern Nguni in trade
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9 These two clauses were part of an attempt to keep access to the trade routes from the north and north-west open, which suggests that Bolts expected ivory from these directions
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ese two clauses were part of an attempt to keep access to the trade routes from the north and north-west open, which suggests that Bolts expected ivory from these directions. 30
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his policy not only provided the trading post with an income from port duties payable by any ship, other those flying the Austrian flag, but also excited trade. The Austrians, however, lacked the leverage to enforce the stipulations of the contracts, and the supply of ivory depended on the chiefs’ satisfaction with the payments offered
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The traders from the north traded along the Nkomati river, bringing ivory in exchange for black cloth, and the abundance of brass offered along the Maputo river attracted the supply from the south, from the area beyond the Mkuze river, today known as northern KwaZulu-Natal.
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The traders from the north traded along the Nkomati river, bringing ivory in exchange for black cloth, and the abundance of brass offered along the Maputo river attracted the supply from the south, from the area beyond the Mkuze river, today known as northern KwaZulu-Natal.
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The importance of Chandler’s country trade was his access to capital with which to maintain a supply of a large quantity of trade goods, in particular the brass items that were in high demand in the southern hinterland of Delagoa Bay (see Table 1). Besides the limited political interference displayed by Europeans at this time, the greater level of ivory supply to the coast can be attributed to the ample supply of brass.
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he northern Nguni (including the Ndandwe, Ngwane and Mthethwa) formed political alliances with Tembe chiefs Mabudu and Mapanielle, who were the brothers of the Tembe paramount Mangova, to control trade further along the Maputo river and ‘secure communications’ between these groups. 3
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During the four-year Austrian stint in south-eastern Africa, the export of ivory increased significantly in comparison to that during the Dutch period
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is figure translates to 6,250 lb of ivory per month, representing the slaughter of over 160 elephants per month for the sake of the trade
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ure translates to 6,250 lb of ivory per month, representing the slaughter of over 160 elephants per month for the sake of the trad
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The scale of the slaughter of elephants implies two things: one is the high value that these societies placed on exotic goods, namely beads and cloth and, more specifically, brass, as we shall later see
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he other is the pressure that elephant hunting placed on societies to supply labour in order to produce such great quantities of ivory and transport it to the coast. Elephant hunting was labour intensive: men needed to locate, track, pursue and bring down animals, cut out tusks and carry their spoils long distances to collection points along the upper reaches of the Maputo river. 39
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lephant hunting was labour intensive: men needed to locate, track, pursue and bring down animals, cut out tusks and carry their spoils long distances to collection points along the upper reaches of the Maputo rive
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Methods commonly used in Africa to kill elephant included using spears, or bows and poisoned arrows; digging pitfalls and deadfalls, perching in trees over elephant paths in order to plunge spears into animals passing underneath, and severing the hamstring tendon with a light axe. 41 This demand for labour explains why ageregiment systems developed at much the same time in the Ndwandwe, Ngwane and Mthethwa societies, as units of labour for the state.
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nlike the secretive blacksmiths, brass workers were summoned to the chief’s homestead to fashion items in plain view, and were hosted as guests of the ruler. What is more telling regarding the prestige of brass work is the fact that, unlike the blacksmiths who ‘might occasionally’ be presented with gifts of cattle, brass workers ‘used to be rewarded with cattle for their pains’
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The English ivory trade was a source of copper and brass, and traders could supply copious amounts of these cuprous goods.
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More than half of the Austrian trade occurred along the Maputo river, and the influx of brass into northern Nguni territory was in all likelihood a reason for the growth of the Ngwane, Ndwandwe and Mthethwa states during the late 18th century, with the Ndwandwe in closest proximity to the Mabudu–Mapanielle of Tembe stock, whose authority commanded the furthest exchange point south along the Maputo river.
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With the greater influx of brass, the need to control the redistribution of this trade item increased, contributing to the centralisation of power and the emergence of Ndwandwe society along the Mkuze and Pongola rivers
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The presence of whaling ships increased the provisions trade to the northern Tembe. Whalers who had arrived a little early for the whaling season did trade in some ivory on their own account. But in their eyes, cheap provisions, rather than an ivory trade, was the advantage of Delagoa Bay, and they chose to deal directly with chiefs. 74
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his increase in production represents the innovative attitude of the successive Tembe chiefs, who adapted to the changing demand in order to gain prestigious goods.
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The importance of the whalers’ food trade lay in the value of the items they liberally exchanged for food.
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here are three problems with this view. The first is that until 1804 the ivory trade remained significant, although diminished. The second is the timing of a large number of whaling ships frequenting the Bay. 103 The third problem is connected to the capacity of whalers to consume so much meat. Although it had fallen to lower levels, the ivory trade remained significant to the south-east African trade network. In 1802–1803, the Bombay council’s statistics show that the trade from Mozambique Island had the value of 81,255 rupees, and 40 per cent of this amount (that is, 32,600 rupees) were supplied from Delagoa Bay. 104
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welve years later, the imports to Surat were valued at 21,775 rupees from Mozambique Island, which could have included a portion from Delagoa Bay. 10
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This amount represents 26 per cent of the income calculated in 1802–1803. Thus not only did the ivory trade continue throughout the whaling period of 1785–1799, it also did so throughout first 15 years of the 19th century, supplying brass and other goods at a reduced yet significant rate to chiefdoms of the Nguni
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Firearms in Southern Africa: A Survey.pdf - 7 views
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Africa, the presence of a settler population ensured that the supply of arms was the most modern rather than the most obsolete',
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Africa, the presence of a settler population ensured that the supply of arms was the most modern rather than the most obsolet
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'an overwhelming military superiori
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Hottentot
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The demands of the diamond fields for African labour in the I 87os-demands which apparently could only be met by allowing the labourers to purchase guns-greatly increased the availability of firearms to all the highveld African
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In the I830s when conflict between the Nama and Herero was sharpening over the grazing lands of Okahandja, the Red Nation Nama, being worsted in the warfare, invited Jonker Afrikaner18 and his followers, known to be well-armed with guns, across the Orange River, to intervene on their beha
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. From the Boer point of view, this was most disastrous when, in 1799-1802, the war against the Xhosa coincided with a massive uprising of their Khoisan servants, who deserted to the Xhosa side with their masters' guns and horses.
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From the Boer point of view, this was most disastrous when, in 1799-1802, the war against the Xhosa coincided with a massive uprising of their Khoisan servants, who deserted to the Xhosa side with their masters' guns and horses
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As a result of the long duration of the warfare, the Xhosa were able to adapt their tactics to deal with and utilize firearm
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r. All of them were organized for a specialized form of raiding warfare against their African neighbours and were, on the whole, extremely successful at this without the use of firearms.4
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Similarly, even Gungunyane and the Gaza, who had acquired large numbers of firearms from British, Portuguese and Indian traders, some of which they had used against their Chopi enemies, confronted the Portuguese army at the battle of Manjacazane in the traditional manner, and were simply mown down by machine guns and field artiller
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despite the use of guns many tribals still used their old way/traditional tactics in their wars, even though they had a large amount of guns. this can be due to the fact that most of the white authorities were unfamilliar with such tactics, does they would be of good advantage to the natives. the continuation use of their traditional tactics in wars can be to the fact that they were still learning how to operate the guns and how to use them effectively, it might also be that they were not having enough ammunition to use the guns. and also most tribes were proud of their traditiion and were comfortable with how things were does it can be said that the use of guns at large was seen as a way of leaving their ancestors teachings and tactics used in wars.
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firearms were used increasingly from the mid-century onwards for huntin
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. In I852 they were able to withstand Potgieter's siege of their capital, Phiring, which lasted twenty-four days. Towards the end of his life the Pedi chief, Sekwati (died i86i), who had attracted some 6o,ooo70,000 people in the northern Transvaal into his orbit, was said to have an army of I 2,000 men, of whom fully a third were armed with guns. These they were able to use to good effect against Swazi and Boer raiders. As late as I876, they were able to hold Boer commandos at bay: by then their armoury had been improved and replenished by service on the diamond fields, where they were reputed to be the most numerous African group
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. In I852 they were able to withstand Potgieter's siege of their capital, Phiring, which lasted twenty-four days. Towards the end of his life the Pedi chief, Sekwati (died i86i), who had attracted some 6o,ooo70,000 people in the northern Transvaal into his orbit, was said to have an army of I 2,000 men, of whom fully a third were armed with gun
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As Dr Miers shows in her article on 'The Arms Trade and Government Policy in southern Africa between I 870-90'49 a great volume of arms and ammunition was shipped to southern Africa for sale to Africans, in spite of official regulations to the contrary. The trade was highly profitable, not least to the governments of the white colonies whose regulations forbade the traffi
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