one of the greatest triumphs in Zulu history and the only battle in which spears and ox-hide shields annihilated the guns and cannons of the British army.
Contents contributed and discussions participated by tendaim
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SA: Thousands re-enact historic Zulu victory at Isandlwana | Africanews - 1 views
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one of the greatest triumphs in Zulu history and the only battle in which spears and ox-hide shields annihilated the guns and cannons of the British army.
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The Zulus were not professional soldiers, but under Shaka Zulu in the early 1800s had became very adept at war.
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"In fact Isandlwana is one of the most probably humiliating defeats of the British army ever," he said.
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Guns, Race, and Skill in Nineteenth-Century Southern Africa.pdf - 2 views
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it seems. South Africa's "gun society" originated in the seventeenth century, when the Dutch East India Company encouraged the European settlers of the Cape of Good Hope to procure firearms and to serve in the
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through the encouragement of traders and missionaries, more Africans took up firearms. They did so for many reasons, most prominently to gain sec
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ill. Relying on colonial descriptions of African peoples of the region, they characterized the Khoisan and Griqua as skilled with weapons, a facility that enabled them to resist colonialism for a while. The Xhosa were both good and bad marksmen, while the Mfengu were skilled and dangerous. The Sotho were "indifferently armed and were poor shots" before the 1870s, when they became "crack marksmen." The Zulu never integrated firearms completely into their military tactics, but by the Anglo-Zulu War of 1879 some Zulu shot well because, according to a British government source, they had received instruction from redcoat deserters.4
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By juxtaposing Gramsci's theory and extensive historical evidence the Comaroffs explored the ways the Tswana debated customs, techniques, and habits that missionaries were promoting. The Comaroffs argue that the Tswana recognized that by accepting British dress, agricultural practices, and literacy they were accepting aspects of colonialist hegemony ranging from racial arrangements to epistemology and ontology. Perceptions of the world and the self, as well as perceptions of power, were bound up in everyday practice just as much as they were related to professing the Christian faith or pledging loyalty to the queen.8
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ys the Tswana debated customs, techniques, and habits that missionaries were promoting. The Comaroffs argue that the Tswana recognized that by accepting British dress, agricultural practices, and literacy they were accepting aspects of colonialist hegemony ranging from racial arrangements to epistemology and ontology. Perceptions of the world and the self, as well as perceptions of power, were bound up in everyday practice just as much as they were related to professing the Christian faith or pledging loyalty to the qu
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earlier part of the nineteenth century, people living in remote areas killed wildlife for food. At the same time, hunting was an important economic activity, as ivory, hides, and ostrich feathers commanded high prices on world markets. Hunting could even provide a better income than cattle farmin
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more numerous were the guns and the hunters, the sooner would the game be destroyed or driven out of the coun
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Beginning about the 1860s, skilled labor became so scarce that southern African gunsmiths ceased assembling imported parts and began to import complete guns from Britain
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ry, frontiersmen like Africander were hired to hunt and track for European ivory merch
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There were other reasons why old guns retained their appeal in southern Africa longer than they did in other parts of the world. On the nineteenth-century southern African frontier, capital was scarce and game was plentiful; so long as plenty of game could be killed with primitive weapons, there was little incentive to adopt new guns such as the paper-cartridge breechloaders that became available in the 1850s and 1860s.25 Older weapons were a more adaptable and flexible technology than the new rifles, and happened to be less expensive, to
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n, Dutch farmers who migrated from the Cape northward in the early nineteenth century, gained a reputation as highly skilled marksm
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noticeable characteristic of the period I allude to (say, twenty years ago), and at the time of the Boer war with us [the First Anglo-Boer War, 1880-81 ] all the middle-aged men, and a good many of the youngsters, were as a rule, and as compared with trained soldiers, very efficient shots." Nicholson added that as late as the 1890s some of the best shots still preferred flintlock muzzle loaders over modern breechloaders
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out the Boer marksmen. Of the 24,238 men eligible to be called up for militia service, 9,996 did not own a rifle. Those who did tended to own Martini-Henrys, which were inferior to the British army's new magazine rifles, the Lee-Metford and the Lee-Enfield. The revived Boer reputation for marksmanship during the war of 1899-1902 was due in good part to Kruger's wise decision, shortly before the war, to buy thirty-seven thousand Mauser rifles, which were superior to the British weapons.29
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mong the English-speaking settlers of the Eastern Cape in the 1870s, many of whom worried that they, too, were insufficiently skilled with weapons. Their claims were ideologically charged and closely related to their efforts to dispossess and disenfranchise Africans.
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Full article: Guns, Race and Power in Colonial South Africa - 4 views
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Guns are both ubiquitous in colonial encounters and occupy an ambiguous place in early imperial enterprise
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main idea why did guns have such a strong rise and hold during colonial times and why did the british allow Africans to have guns if they were knew that they did not want Africans to have a potential power over them?
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main idea why did guns have such a strong rise and hold during colonial times and why did the british allow Africans to have guns if they were knew that they did not want Africans to have a potential power over them?
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relationship of guns to notions of race and citizenship throughout the mid and late nineteenth century
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guns were a central part of Xhosa and Zulu polities
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guns were integral to South African society
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relationship of guns to notions of race and citizenship throughout the mid and late nineteenth century
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The creation of the diamond and then gold industries fostered a great expansion of the market for firearms
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1870s with the development of longer-ranged weapons with the capacity to fire repeatedly and quickly.
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who should own guns and precisely what that implied now became a central issue of the politics of citizenship.
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idea that gun ownership should be controlled along racial lines
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John Gordon Sprigg, who saw guns in African hands as a threat to imperial rule
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part of the trend to exclude from citizenship those with black skins, even if they qualified in terms of literacy or economic possessions.
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the Hlubi chief Langalibelile and Theophilus Shepstone, the powerful secretary for native affairs, in Natal in the mid-1870s.
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the Hlubi chief Langalibelile and Theophilus Shepstone, the powerful secretary for native affairs, in Natal in the mid-1870s.
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the Cape in 1879 when the ninth Xhosa war was used as the excuse to pass the nicely named Peace Preservation Act which effectively provided the legal means to prohibit gun ownership on a racial basis.
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Cape-Sotho War of 1879–80 which followed the attempt by the Cape government, led by Sprigg, to use the Peace Preservation Act to disarm the Sotho.
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the Peace Preservation Act succeeded in imposing restraints upon African ownership of firearms
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he Cape Colony, the home of South African liberalism