‘The iqungo’, he told Stuart, ‘affects those who kill with an assegai, but not those who kill with a gun, for with a gun it is just as if the man had shot a buck, and no ill result will follow’
Contents contributed and discussions participated by makofaneprince
ZULU WARRIORS AND GUNS - 2 views
ZULU WARRIORS HOLDING GUNS - 2 views
ANGLO-ZULU WAR PICTURE - 4 views
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Use of guns in Zulu kingdom - 3 views
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Zulu only gingerly made use of fi rearms and did not permit them to affect their way of warfare to any marked degree
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In other words, as Lynn’s pithily expresses it, ‘armies fi ght the way they think’, and in the last resort that is more important in explaining their way of war than the weapons they might use. 3
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The voracious one of Senzangakhona, Spear that is red even on the handle [. . .] The young viper grows as it sits, Always in a great rage, With a shield on its knees [. . .] 6
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Kumbeka Gwabe, a veteran of the Anglo-Zulu War of 1879, remembered how at the battle of Isandlwana he killed a British soldier who fi red at him with his revolver and missed: ‘I came beside him and stuck my assegai under his right arm, pushing it through his body until it came out between his ribs on the left side. As soon as he fell I pulled the assegai out and slit his stomach so I knew he should not shoot any more of my people’. 4 This was the weapon of the hero, of a man who cultivated military honour or udumo (thunder), and who proved his personal prowess in single combat
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As we have already learned from Singcofela, killing at a distance with a gun was of quite a different order from killing with an ‘assegai’, the short-hafted, long-bladed iklwa or stabbing-spear
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‘The Zulu Nation is born out of Shaka’s spear. When you say “Go and fi ght,” it just happens’. 8
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As such, the traders owed him military service, and it quickly came to Shaka’s attention that they possessed muskets.
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Shaka, as Makuza indicated, was very much taken up with muskets and their military potential.
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‘to send a regiment of men to England who there would scatter in all directions in order to ascertain exactly how guns were made, and then return to construct some in Zululand’
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It suggests that the battle tactics the Zulu undoubtedly employed in the war of 1838 against the invading Voortrekkers, and against each other in the civil wars of 1840 and 1856, had already taken full shape during Shaka’s reign.
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He warned that, hitherto, the Zulu ‘had used them only in their little wars but the king stated to me that should he fi nd himself unable to overcome his enemies by the weapons most familiar to his people he would then have recourse to them’.
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Thus, when the Voortrekkers came over the Drakensberg passes in late 1837 and encamped in Zululand, Dingane knew that they and their guns posed a deadly threat to his kingdom. Dingane’s treacherous attempt, early in 1838, to take the Voortrekkers unawares and destroy them, was only partially successful. The Voortrekkers rallied, and proved their superiority over the Zulu army, as they had done previously over the Ndebele, when they repulsed them in major set-piece battles at Veglaer in August 1838, and Blood River (Ncome) in December, the same year. 23 The Zulu discovered that, because of the heavy musket fi re, in neither battle could they could
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get close enough to the Voortrekkers’ laager to make any use of their spears or clubbed sticks in the toe-to-toe fi ghting to which they were accustomed. As Ngidi ka Mcikaziswa ruefully admitted to Stuart, ‘We Zulus die facing the enemy — all of us — but at the Ncome we turned our backs. This was caused by the Boers and their guns’. 2
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The king ‘thereupon formed a regiment which he called Isitunyisa’ (isithunyisa is a Zulu word for gun). 26 Even so, when in January 1840 King Dingane unsuccessfully faced his usurping brother Prince Mpande at the battle of the Maqongqo Hills, both armies of about fi ve thousand men each were armed (as far as we know) almost entirely with spears and shields, and fought a bloodily traditional battle following Shaka’s hallowed tactics.
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Spear and shield had again won the day, reinforcing the traditionalist Zulu military ethos, and wiping away memories of the disastrous war against the Voortrekkers.
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By the early 1870s, it seems that a good third of Pedi warriors carried a fi rearm of some sort. 33 The Zulu perceived that they should not fall behind their African neighbours such as the Pedi in the new arms race, not least because their kingdom seemed endangered in the late 1860s, and early 1870s. 3
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However, because no Zulu man was permitted to leave the kingdom as he had to serve the king in his ibutho, Cetshwayo had to import fi rearms thorough traders. The enterprising hunter-trader John Dunn, who gained Cetshwayo’s ear as his adviser, cornered the lucrative Zulu arms market, buying from merchants in the Cape and Natal and trading the fi rearms (mainly antiquated muskets) in Zululand through
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Portuguese Delagoa Bay to avoid Natal laws against gun traffi cking. 35 The Zulu paid mostly in cattle, which Dunn then sold off in Natal. 36
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The Zulu had their own names for each of the bewildering varieties of fi rearms of all sizes and shapes and degrees of sophistication that came into their hands, and, in 1903, Bikwayo ka Noziwana recited a long list to Stuart that ranged from the musket that reached to a man’s neck (ibala) to the short pistol (isinqwana).
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In this the Zulu were very different, for example, from the Xhosa who, between 1779 and 1878, fought nine Cape Frontier Wars against colonizers bearing fi rearms. During the course of this century of warfare, the Xhosa went from regarding fi rearms as mere ancillaries to their conventional weapons (as the Zulu still did) to making them central to the guerrilla tactics they increasingly adopted. By the time the Cape Colonial Defence Commission was taking evidence in September–October 1876, most witnesses were agreed that the Xhosa were skilled in their use of fi rearms, and made for formidable foes. 43
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the best fi rearms went to men of high status
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one of the most important economic activities in southern Africa because of the international value placed on tusks, hides, and feathers. White hunters sold these items on the world markets and recruited and trained Africans in the use of fi rearms to assist them in obtaining them. 48 Ivory, in particular, was equally a source of wealth for the Zulu king, who was no longer content with his men killing elephants (as described by the hunter, Adulphe Delagorgue) by stabbing them with spears and letting them bleed to death, or driving them into pits fi lled with stakes. 49 The king required fi rearms for the task.
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Following the battle of Isandlwana, in which the Zulu captured about eight hundred modern Martini-Henry rifl es, Zulu marksmen, familiar through hunting with modern fi rearms, were able to make effective use of them in a number of subsequent engagements.
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The Zulu believed that an overlap existed between this world and the world of the spirits that was expressed by a dark, mystical, evil force, umnyama, which created misfortune and could be contagious. 54 The Zulu, accordingly, were convinced that, when malicious witches (abathakathi) harnessed umnyama through ritual medicines (muthi), guns too could be made to serve their wicked ends.
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He carried a breech-loading rifl e that he had taken at Isandhlwana [. . .] The Zulu army fl ed. He got tired of running away. He was a man too who understood well how to shoot. He shouted, ‘Back again!’ He turned and fi red. He struck a horse; it fell among the stones and the white man with it. They fi red at him. They killed him. 58
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Indigenising the gun - rock art depictions of firearms in the Eastern Cape, South Afric... - 6 views
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“... black lightning is that which kills us. . .it resembles a gun. . .”
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rock art
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the confines of the colony and subsisted by hunting, gathering and, most importantly, raiding for livestock (Gordon 1986; Ross 1996; Challis 2012). Those whom we may think of as ‘ethnic’ San today were typically, in the late eighteenth century, referred to as ‘Chinese Hottentots’ (Le Vaillant 1972, 80; Raper and Boucher 1988) as opposed to ‘Bushman’ or ‘Bushman Hottentot’.
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In this paper, following current research, I make a distinction between San and ‘Bushman’ (cf. Challis 2012, 2014, 2017; King 2018, 124). These terms have often been accepted by scholars to refer to the same people; autochthonous hunter-gatherers. Yet when the term ‘Bushman’ was first used by colonists it was to refer to an economic, not racial, category of people who lived beyond Figure 3. RSA CYP005. Figure on horse with a firearm over shoulder, riding behind a sheep Aliwal North. (Photograph: author). TIME AND MIND the confines of the colony and subsisted by hunting, gathering and, most importantly, raiding for livestock (Gordon 1986; Ross 1996; Challis 2012). Those whom we may think of as ‘ethnic’ San today were typically, in the late eighteenth century, referred to as ‘Chinese Hottentots’ (Le Vaillant 1972, 80; Raper and Boucher 1988) as opposed to ‘Bushman’ or ‘Bushman Hottentot’.
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Khoe-San beliefs held that it was possible to influence the trajectory of projectile weapons by magical means involving ritual observances and the supernatural powers of medicinal substances
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The Korana were said to have a war-medicine which they put into their pockets and into their ammunition pouches with their bullets. This medicine was believed to make their ammunition hit their enemies while the enemies’ bullets would not hit them (Schapera 1930,3 5 5–356). Another form of Khoekhoe war-magic involves burning a crow’s heart, loading the ashes into a gun and then firing the gun. It is believed that their enemies would flee like crows (Hahn 1881, 90). It is interesting to note that in this example the gun takes on the role of being a ritual tool, thereby further reinforcing the argument that
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indigenous southern Africans did not share the same understanding of firearms as Europeans. Rather, they had a spiritual, as well as a practical, relationship with these weapons that was foreign to the Europeans who introduced them.
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Kagara eventually kills !haunu by using black lightning, which is said to be very powerful and ‘resembles a gun
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It could be argued that these bear a strong resemblance to musket balls and may further entrench the link between ‘Herain’ and firearms
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Raiding would have increased in danger when coming up against foes with guns, and so ‘Bushman’ groups likely relied on spiritual assistance to increase their odds of success in raids.
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While they adopted guns, they did not necessarily adopt European understandings of guns. Instead, they worked this new material culture into their own ontology.
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History of Southern Africa.pdf - 1 views
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He strengthened his new nation by raiding local Tembu and Xhosa groups for cattle and adopting the use of horses and fi rearms.
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The Cape Colony’s government intended to destroy the powers of the Sotho chiefs and revise their traditional laws, and attractive land in Basutoland was earmarked for white occupation
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1879 Disarmament Act, ordering the Sotho to disarm and hand in their guns
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After the war the Sotho were permitted to retain their arms, though they were to pay an annual tax on each gun. By 1882, however, the Sotho were refusing to register their fi rearms and thus evaded the tax.
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book_a.pdf.pdf - 3 views
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Shula Marks
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Anthony Atmore
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The liberals and evangelicals who called themselves “friends of the natives” rarely considered Africans to be their social equals.
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Merchants and missionaries encouraged Africans to take up firearms as a way to gain security on a violent frontier. Guns were also a means for killing game animals.
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1812, after commenting on the extraordinary animals of the South African interior, the famous English traveler William J. Burchell wished that guns would spread more extensively to help people kill off the unwanted beasts. This in turn would result in the extension of modern, productive agriculture. 3 Animals died and agriculture spread.
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guns as hallmarks of modernity,
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As Europeans were settling South Africa, firearms designers were spurred on by rivalries between European states as well as by the American Civil War. Firearms became much more effective. First, hunters and soldiers replaced flintlock ignition systems with percussion caps. Next, smoothbore muzzle-loaders were replaced by more accurate rifled muzzleloaders. Then, rifled muzzle-loaders were replaced by quick-firing rifled breechloaders. The uptake of new weapons flooded world markets with secondhand muzzle-loading muskets and rifles that sold at cut-rate prices. At the same time as these weapons were becoming easily available, more Africans migrated to Cape farms and to the Kimberley diamond diggings, where they earned cash to buy guns
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This did not totally disarm Africans, but it was a crucial first step. In 1878,t h e Cape passed legislation allowing the governor to disarm entire districts.
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Orderly communities did not need individuals to carry guns. 4 Many Africans had to surrender their guns under the terms of a new Peace Preservation Act passed in 1878
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“Colonialism held out the promise of equality, but essentialized inequality in such a way as to make it impossible to erase; held out the promise of universal rights, but made it impossible for people of color to claim them; held out the promise of individual advancement, but submerged it within the final constraints of ethnic subjection.”
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disarm Africans and to arm settlers
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The new gun control measures of the 1870s pushed legal discrimination further: the Cape took a step in the direction of the Boer republics, which denied Africans all rights of citizenship, including the right to own a weapon. Africans could not be citizens of the republics, nor could they own weapons, although the intricate relations of paternalism included the idea that servants helped masters to bear arms.
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disenfranchised
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The historians of technology once focused almost exclusively on Europe and the United States, believing that the countries outside of the West that adopted Western technologies did not modify or change them in interesting ways
Gun War / Disarmament War - 1880-1882 - 2 views
Guns, Race, and Skill in Nineteenth-Century Southern Africa - 5 views
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DEFENCE OF THE CAPE COLONY UNDER BATAVIAN RULE 1803 - 1806.pdf - 4 views
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ugh th
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n this article I wish to examine the impact this preparation for a (defensive) war had on the Cape C
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of autochthonou
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r marauding
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Troops The troops selected to form the garrison of the Cape were the following: The 22nd and 23rd battalions of infantry with each a total of 764 men in nine companies formed the main bulk of the armed forces.
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gun from their former employers
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. They particularly resented the use of armed Khoi forces against their fellow-countrymen and attributed the revolt of their Khoi servants to its presence.
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he so-called "Ho
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Nonetheles the burghers of all districts greatly feared the armed Khoi forces1
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Janssens and de Mist, determined on continuing the policy of racial segregation fixed the Fish River as the border between Kaffraria and the colony. Janssens negotiated with Chief Gaika on this point and asked him to allow the rebellious Xhosa groups who had fled his authority to return back to their former territory which was under his jurisdiction. Gaika agreed to this19 but the rebellious Xhosa groups, for fear of reprisals, were very reluctant to cross the river into Kaffraria. Complete segregation was thus never achieved. Janssens, however, ordained that all the Khoikhoi and especially the Europeans living within Xhosa territory had to return to the colony.20 He feared that they might incite the Xhosas against the inhabitants of the Cape Colony and cause an invasion.
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. In a meeting with Janssens on the 24th of May 1803 the Xhosa chiefs agreed to deliver deserters and runaway slaves to the colonial authorities
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hen, taking into consideration the danger of the demobilised soldiers becoming rebels or armed robber
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anssens believed that the burghers would be very reluctant to leave their farms and houses without protection for a longer period (almost 20 000 of the Cape's European population of 25 775 lived in the outlying districts in 1805.44) Creating a "Hottentot Corps" seemed a viable alternative as Janssens had to remind the settlers who were very much opposed to parting with their cheap Khoi labour force
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defence. Waggons, oxen, horses, boats and even slaves were requisitioned by the government.57 It appears, however, that Janssens did not meet with much opposition from the colonists on this account - at any rate not comparable to their opposition to the sending of Khoi recruits for the armed forces.
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Many of the Khoi deserters were still very young and seen as having been led astray by the ringleaders. One of them was under 15, Platje Stoffels and Des Bourzak were not older than 15, Claas Cohn younger than 16, Claas Booy not older than 16, and Oerson Dragonder not yet 18.
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The Pedi kingdom and guns - 6 views
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Sekhukhune I, King of the Bapedi, successfully resisted the Boers during a protracted Boer/Bapedi land ownership dispute. On 16 May 1876, the Volksraad of the South African Republic declared war on Sekhukhune and his followers. A Boer commando under President T.F. Burgers, armed with 7 pounder Krupp guns, reached the Bapedi stronghold on 1 August. The Bapedi, also armed with rifles, offered stiff resistance and inflicted a humiliating defeat on the well-armed Boer force. Even the support of an impi of Swazis, sworn enemies of Sekhukhune, could not secure a victory for Burgers. After the final assault on 2 August, the Boer commando retreated and went home, leaving a corps of volunteers behind under command of Capt. C. von Schlickman, a former German officer. To defend his empire from the encroaching European colonization, Sekhukhune sent young men under the authority of 'appointed' headmen to work in white farms and diamonds mines. The money the yearned in these employments was taxed and used to buy guns from the Portuguese in Delegoa Bay
BJNFCI724452744 (1).pdf - 4 views
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Firearms in Southern Africa: A Survey.pdf - 7 views
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Africa, the presence of a settler population ensured that the supply of arms was the most modern rather than the most obsolete',
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Africa, the presence of a settler population ensured that the supply of arms was the most modern rather than the most obsolet
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'an overwhelming military superiori
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Hottentot
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The demands of the diamond fields for African labour in the I 87os-demands which apparently could only be met by allowing the labourers to purchase guns-greatly increased the availability of firearms to all the highveld African
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In the I830s when conflict between the Nama and Herero was sharpening over the grazing lands of Okahandja, the Red Nation Nama, being worsted in the warfare, invited Jonker Afrikaner18 and his followers, known to be well-armed with guns, across the Orange River, to intervene on their beha
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. From the Boer point of view, this was most disastrous when, in 1799-1802, the war against the Xhosa coincided with a massive uprising of their Khoisan servants, who deserted to the Xhosa side with their masters' guns and horses.
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From the Boer point of view, this was most disastrous when, in 1799-1802, the war against the Xhosa coincided with a massive uprising of their Khoisan servants, who deserted to the Xhosa side with their masters' guns and horses
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As a result of the long duration of the warfare, the Xhosa were able to adapt their tactics to deal with and utilize firearm
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r. All of them were organized for a specialized form of raiding warfare against their African neighbours and were, on the whole, extremely successful at this without the use of firearms.4
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Similarly, even Gungunyane and the Gaza, who had acquired large numbers of firearms from British, Portuguese and Indian traders, some of which they had used against their Chopi enemies, confronted the Portuguese army at the battle of Manjacazane in the traditional manner, and were simply mown down by machine guns and field artiller
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despite the use of guns many tribals still used their old way/traditional tactics in their wars, even though they had a large amount of guns. this can be due to the fact that most of the white authorities were unfamilliar with such tactics, does they would be of good advantage to the natives. the continuation use of their traditional tactics in wars can be to the fact that they were still learning how to operate the guns and how to use them effectively, it might also be that they were not having enough ammunition to use the guns. and also most tribes were proud of their traditiion and were comfortable with how things were does it can be said that the use of guns at large was seen as a way of leaving their ancestors teachings and tactics used in wars.
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firearms were used increasingly from the mid-century onwards for huntin
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. In I852 they were able to withstand Potgieter's siege of their capital, Phiring, which lasted twenty-four days. Towards the end of his life the Pedi chief, Sekwati (died i86i), who had attracted some 6o,ooo70,000 people in the northern Transvaal into his orbit, was said to have an army of I 2,000 men, of whom fully a third were armed with guns. These they were able to use to good effect against Swazi and Boer raiders. As late as I876, they were able to hold Boer commandos at bay: by then their armoury had been improved and replenished by service on the diamond fields, where they were reputed to be the most numerous African group
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. In I852 they were able to withstand Potgieter's siege of their capital, Phiring, which lasted twenty-four days. Towards the end of his life the Pedi chief, Sekwati (died i86i), who had attracted some 6o,ooo70,000 people in the northern Transvaal into his orbit, was said to have an army of I 2,000 men, of whom fully a third were armed with gun
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As Dr Miers shows in her article on 'The Arms Trade and Government Policy in southern Africa between I 870-90'49 a great volume of arms and ammunition was shipped to southern Africa for sale to Africans, in spite of official regulations to the contrary. The trade was highly profitable, not least to the governments of the white colonies whose regulations forbade the traffi