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The Black Atlantic Missionary Movement and Africa, 1780s-1920s.pdf - 0 views

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  • A recurring theme in Adrian Hastings's magisterial study of the church in Africa is the central role of Africans in the evangelisation of the Continent. His account also embraces Africans of the diaspora, that 'black, Protestant, English-speaking world which had grown up in the course of the eighteenth century on both sides of the Atlantic in the wake of the slave
    • andiswamntungwa
      andiswamntungwa on 27 Apr 23
       
      The importance of Africans in the evangelization of the Continent is a constant issue in Adrian Hastings' magisterial study of the church in Africa. His narrative includes Africans of the diaspora as well, those people who grew up in the black, Protestant, and English-speaking communities on both sides of the Atlantic throughout the eighteenth century as a result of the slave trade.
  • African Americans constituted a small but visually significant element in the modern Protestant missionary movement. They are generally ignored in the standard literature and mission histories. This is not surprising as it is only relatively recently that black people, certainly outside the Americas, have begun to be noticed by histo
    • andiswamntungwa
      andiswamntungwa on 27 Apr 23
       
      A small but visually significant portion of the modern Protestant missionary activity was made up of African Americans. In the mainstream literature and mission histories, they are typically neglected. This is not surprising given how lately historians have started to pay attention to black people, at least outside of the Americas.
  • The trans-Atlantic traffic was in both directions as African proteges of white and African American missionaries were sent to study in America, invariably travelling via Britain. John Chilembwe, who raised a revolt against the British in Nyasaland in 1915, is a notable example. Sponsored by Joseph Booth, a white missionary, in 1897 he went to study in the United States and probably spent a short time in Britain. When he returned home in 1900 to found the Industrial Providence
    • andiswamntungwa
      andiswamntungwa on 27 Apr 23
       
      As African disciples of white and African American missionaries were sent to study in America, they frequently traveled via Britain, causing trans-Atlantic trade in both directions. A noteworthy example is John Chilembwe, who instigated an insurrection against the British in Nyasaland in 1915. He traveled to study in the United States in 1897 under the sponsorship of a white missionary named Joseph Booth, and it's likely that he briefly visited Britain.In 1900, upon his return home, he established the Industrial Providence
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  • . There was social and racial tension on the ships that carried West Indians and whites across the Atlantic; the long voyage with poor food and confined conditions raised tempers; whites accused blacks of being 'puffed up' while Jamaicans were highly sensitive to real and imagined slights.
    • andiswamntungwa
      andiswamntungwa on 27 Apr 23
       
      . On the ships that transported West Indians and Europeans over the Atlantic, there was social and racial friction; the lengthy voyage, limited food, and cramped conditions roused tempers; whites accused blacks of being "puffed up," while Jamaicans were extremely sensitive to both real and imagined slights.
  • As early as the 1770s, Dr Samuel Hopkins, Congregational minister of Newport, Rhode Island, and an opponent of slavery, proposed sending African Americans to Africa as missionaries. A local African fund was created by the Missionary Society of Rhode Island, and two blacks, one a slave, the other free since birth, but both with a knowledge of a 'Guinea language', were sent to Princeton to study theolog
    • andiswamntungwa
      andiswamntungwa on 27 Apr 23
       
      Dr. Samuel Hopkins, a Congregational minister in Newport, Rhode Island, who opposed slavery, suggested deploying African Americans to Africa as missionaries as early as the 1770s. The Missionary Society of Rhode Island established an African fund, and two black people-one a slave and the other free since birth-who both knew the "Guinea language"-were sent to Princeton to study theology.
  • eoples of African descent, but from the outset also to West Africa.20 Africa was the persistent geographical focus of African American missionary thought throughout the nineteenth century. The Second Great Awakening stirred black Christians to a strong belief in the vital purpose of evangelism, and in this Africa had a special significance. The belief in 'providential design' and 'race redemption' was a recurring theme and had a two-fold meaning. By engaging in mission activity, African Americans would not only fulfil the Christian command to preach the Gospel, but also prove their worth to the doubtful white constituency that largely paid to send them to Africa. The idea that God's providential hand had been at work in African slavery was also embraced by some whites
    • andiswamntungwa
      andiswamntungwa on 27 Apr 23
       
      people with African ancestry, but also from the beginning to West Africa.Throughout the nineteenth century, African American missionaries' persistent geographic focus was Africa. African nations held a special place in black Christians' understanding of the importance of evangelism as a result of the Second Great Awakening. The idea of "providential design" and "race redemption" recurred frequently and had a dual significance. African Americans would be fulfilling the Christian mandate to proclaim the gospel by participating in mission work, and they would also be demonstrating their value to the skeptic white constituency that mostly funded their trip to Africa. Some whites also adopted the notion that God's benevolent hand had been at work in African slavery.
  • 53 The outcome was that Southern Black Baptists organised the Baptist Foreign Mission Convention, in Montgomery, Alabama, in 1880, although the body represented regional rather than denominational interests. Fifteen years later a degree of black denominational unity was achieved with the creation of the National Baptist Convention (NBC)
    • andiswamntungwa
      andiswamntungwa on 27 Apr 23
       
      The Baptist Foreign Mission Convention was eventually established by Southern Black Baptists in Montgomery, Alabama, in 1880, even though the organization served to further regional as opposed to religious concerns. With the establishment of the National Baptist Convention (NBC) fifteen years later, a certain level of black denominational unity was attained.
  • Both the white-led and the African American churches placed considerable emphasis on training men and women for African mission. A later vision of the African American missions was to bring Africans to the United States for education in their new schools and
    • andiswamntungwa
      andiswamntungwa on 27 Apr 23
       
      Training men and women for African missions was a priority for both African American and white-led congregations. A different goal of the African American missions was to invite Africans to the country to attend their new schools and receive an education.
  • Missionary Association sponsored The World's Congress on Africa in conjunction with the Chicago World's Fair in August 1893. A further Congress on Africa was held in Atlanta in late 1895 with 'discussions centred around the industrial, intellectual, moral and spiritual "progress" of Afric
    • andiswamntungwa
      andiswamntungwa on 27 Apr 23
       
      The World's Congress on Africa was hosted by the Missionary Association in August 1893 in connection with the Chicago World's Fair. The industrial, intellectual, moral, and spiritual "progress" of Africa was the focus of talks at a subsequent Congress on Africa convened in Atlanta in late 1895.
  • n American responses to European colonial rule in Africa were divided. Most black missionaries, predictably, viewed Africa through Western eyes and saw the imposition of European rule as helpful in extending Christianity in the Continent. But there were also black missionary critics of colonialism and particularly of specific colonial rulers. The atrocities carried out by the Congo Free State were publicised by William Sheppard and Henry P. Hawkins, and their white colleague Samuel Lapsley, all of whom worked for the Southern Presbyterians. This led to Sheppard being prosecuted by the Free State authorities.78
    • andiswamntungwa
      andiswamntungwa on 27 Apr 23
       
      There were many American responses to European colonial rule in Africa. Predictably, the majority of black missionaries regarded Africa through Western eyes and believed that imposing European control would assist spread Christianity throughout the Continent. However, there were also black mis-sionaries who opposed colonialism in general and particular colonial masters in particular.William Sheppard, Henry P. Hawkins, and their white colleague Samuel Lapsley, who all worked for the Southern Presbyterians, made the atrocities committed by the Congo Free State public.Sheppard was ultimately charged by the Free State authorities as a result.
  • difficulties in the way of, the sending of American Negroes to Africa'.85 A guarded and cautious recommendation by the conference offered to support African American missionaries that were sent to Africa provided they went under the auspices of 'responsible societies of recognized and well-established standing'.86 It was hardly the ringing endorsement that African American delegates had hoped for. However, it was the most that white international mission agencies were prepared to offer. They too had deep suspicions about certain African American activities in colonial Africa. The result was that in the interwar years the number of African American missionaries in Africa steadily decline
    • andiswamntungwa
      andiswamntungwa on 27 Apr 23
       
      There are obstacles in the way of transferring American Negroes to Africa.African American missionaries were encouraged to go to Africa with the backing of "responsible societies of recognized and well-established standing," according to the conference's guarded and circumspect proposal.The ringing endorsement that African American delegates had hoped for was far from being received.It was, however, the maximum that white foreign mission organizations were willing to provide. They had the same strong skepticism over specific African-American actions in colonial Africa. As a result, there were increasingly fewer African American missionaries in Africa throughout the interwar period.
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slavery_other_forms_of_social_oppression_in_ankole_1890_1940.pdf - 1 views

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  • bomas
    • andiswamntungwa
      andiswamntungwa on 27 Apr 23
       
      A boma is a livestock enclosure, community enclosure, stockade, corral, small fort or district government office.
  • For Patterson the key to understanding the nature of slavery is the idea of what he calls ‘natal alienation’ and the lack of honour suffered by the slave. 15 In the case of Ankole, the central manifestation of these constituent elements of slavery was the sense of humiliation and degradation experienced by the slaves that continues to embitter the social relations and political struggles of contemporary Nyankole society. Let us now turn to the various forms of servile labour, first in precolonial Nkore and its environs and then in the colonially created ‘Kingdom of Ankole’.
    • andiswamntungwa
      andiswamntungwa on 27 Apr 23
       
      The concept of what Patterson refers to as "natal alienation" and the lack of honor the slave experiences are crucial to understanding the essence of slavery, in Patterson's opinion. In the instance of Ankole, the sense of humiliation and degradation felt by the slaves permeated social interactions and political conflicts in modern Nyankole culture, serving as the primary manifestation of these characteristics of slavery. Now let's discuss the various sorts of servile labor, first in precolonial Nkore and its surroundings and then in the colonially established "Kingdom of Ankole."
  • Abashumba were and are destitute peasants or, more usually, herdsmen, who voluntarily seek employment herding the cows of rich cattle owners. From the perspective of the owners of large herds, there was need for men to do the arduous and ‘dirty’ work of tending to the cattle and the kraal. The daily tasks of watering and grazing the cattle, of sweeping the enclosure and removing cow dung were those most frequently assigned to abashumba. Various domestic tasks such as churning milk into ghee (clarified butter), collecting grass for mats and so on would be assigned to abashumbakazi (female servants). 17 It would appear, however, that Hima households required far more male than female labour, because of the arduous nature of herding and grazing cattle.
    • andiswamntungwa
      andiswamntungwa on 27 Apr 23
       
      Abashumba were and are poor peasants who voluntarily seek jobs herding the cows of wealthy cattle owners. They are more frequently herdsmen. Owners of vast herds saw a need for mento to perform the difficult and "dirty" task of caring for the cattle and the kraal. The daily chores that were most frequently given to Bashumba were cleaning the enclosure, removing cow dung, and drinking and grazing the cattle. Abashumbakazi (female servants) would be given a variety of domestic jobs, such as turning milk into ghee (clarified butter), gathering grass for mats, and so on. Due to the laborious nature of herding and grazing cattle, it seemed that Hima households required significantly more male than female labor.
  • ...7 more annotations...
  • One important distinction in the treatment and status of abahuuku was the fact that they could be and generally were ‘branded’ by the excision of all or part of one or both ears. Initially this was done to prevent them from escaping and mixing unnoticed among free Banyankore, who were no different in appearance or language from the slaves from neighbouring areas. But it is also clear that ‘cutting the ear’ was a form of humiliation and an expression of the absolute power of the owner over the person of the omuhuuku. 2
    • andiswamntungwa
      andiswamntungwa on 27 Apr 23
       
      Being 'tagged' by having all or a portion of one or both ears removed was a significant distinction in how abahuuku were treated and classified. This was first done to stop them from fleeing and blending in with the free Banyankore, who were identical in appearance and language to the slaves from surrounding districts. However, it is also obvious that "cutting the ear" was a humiliation tactic and a demonstration of the owner's total control over the omuhuuku's person.Abahuuku also had to perform the dehumanizing duty of accompanying his master during sexual acts and supporting him by "holding the thigh" of his partner, who was frequently a female slave (omuzaana).
  • As with the children of abashumba born within the household of the patron, the children of abazaana were the responsibility of the owner and would be raised as his children, ‘the children of the house’, alongside the children of his wives and daughters-in-law. It is very revealing that unmarried abazaana who gave birth within their patron’s household were not punished
    • andiswamntungwa
      andiswamntungwa on 27 Apr 23
       
      The children of abazaana were the responsibility of the owner and would be raised as his children, not punished.
  • The second issue was whether the killing of pregnant, unmarried Bahima women was done out of shame and the loss of family honour or out of the purely economic consideration of the loss of value in bridewealth that would be suffered by the family and specifically by the ‘favourite’ brother, who would now lose a large proportion of his sister’s bridewealth cattle that he would have used to obtain his own bride
    • andiswamntungwa
      andiswamntungwa on 27 Apr 23
       
      The second concern was whether the murder of pregnant, unwed Bahima women was motivated by disgrace and a loss of family honor or by purely economic considerations related to the family's loss of something valuable in bridewealth, particularly for the "favorite" brother who would now lose a substantial amount of his sister's bride wealth cattle which he would have utilized to find his own bride.
  • The limited commercial impact of Arab-Swahili trade on Ankole slavery was matched by the marginal effect that both the slave trade and slave raiding had in the region. The principal object of the east coast merchants who came to Nkore and its neighbourhood appears to have been to procure ivory rather than slaves, the demand for which could be more readily satisfied elsewhere
    • andiswamntungwa
      andiswamntungwa on 27 Apr 23
       
      The minor impact of both the slave trade and slave raiding in the area matched the negligible commercial influence of Arab-Swahili trade on Ankoleslavery. Since the demand for slaves could be more easily met elsewhere, it appears that the main goal of the east coast traders who traveled to Nkore and its surrounding areas was to acquire ivory. Coastal traders gave cloth, cowrie shells, weapons, and powder in exchange for the ivory. However, only the wealthiest mainly and pastoral households were impacted by these items in Ankole cultures, which had a very shallow penetration.
  • The connection between nineteenth-century anti-slavery ideology and the exploration and colonisation of Africa is a commonplace. Uganda was no exception, and opposition to the slave trade was prominent among the justifications for the sending of both missionaries and administrators to Buganda and its environs in the last half of that century. 42 Even the most egotistical and eccentric of Uganda’s early European explorers, men like Henry Morton Stanley and Emin Pasha, found in the anti-slavery impulse a useful ally
    • andiswamntungwa
      andiswamntungwa on 27 Apr 23
       
      Africa's discovery and colonization and nineteenth-century anti-slavery philosophy are frequently linked. Uganda was no exception, and during the latter half of that century, opposition to the slave trade was a key pretext for sending missionaries and officials to Uganda and its surroundings. Even Uganda's most pompous and eccentric early European explorers, such Henry Morton Stanley and Emin Pasha, found a handy ally in the anti-slavery movement.
  • The problem with the emancipation of slaves was compounded by two imperatives of colonial rule. The first was the need to entrench alliances of collaboration with the occupying power by bolstering chiefs who had been appointed or recognised by the colonial state.
    • andiswamntungwa
      andiswamntungwa on 27 Apr 23
       
      Two colonial imperatives exacerbated the issue of the emancipation of slaves. The first was the requirement to strengthen collaboration relationships with the occupying power by supporting chiefs who had been nominated or acknowledged by the colonial administration.
  • The First World War and the recruitment of Banyankole for military service as porters and menial labourers seemed to have brought akashanju to an end. Its demise may also have been hastened by the increasing availability of cash in the economy and the decreasing need for head porterage and road construction workers as a basic network of rudimentary roads and motorised transport was completed. Road maintenance, though, would remain a major source of demand for unpaid labour for many years under the postwar system called ruharo.
    • andiswamntungwa
      andiswamntungwa on 27 Apr 23
       
      The First World War and the enlistment of Banyankole as porters and manual laborers for the armed forces appeared to put an end to akashanjuto. As a rudimentary network of primitive roads and motorized transport was constructed, the economy's increased cash availability and the resulting decline in the demand for headporterage and road construction employees may have expedited its collapse. However, the post-war system known as ruharo would continue to be a significant source of demand for unpaid labor for many years.
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  • andiswamntungwa on 27 Apr 23
     
    This picture shows forgotten slaves. When Europeans and Americans brought enslaved Africans across the Atlantic and put them to work, they did more than just inflict appalling suffering on their captives during their lifetimes. Ruthless European slave traders emptied villages and forced terrified victims onto ships bound for the Atlantic. Lines of chained humans marching towards slave markets under the watchful eyes of armed guards. Violent slave owners used torture and rape to force more work out of their captives. They also stole their legacies by pushing nearly all of them and their enslaved descendants to the margins of the historical record, so that today only a few enslaved people are recalled by name, and memories of the rest have been largely lost to posterity.
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Freedom, Economic Autonomy, and Ecological Change in the Cotton South, 1865-1880.pdf - 1 views

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  • The region emerged from the conflict defeated, physically scarred, and economically handicapped. Its 4 million slaves were free but faced significant obstacles to acquiring capital, land, or agricultural resources. A series of constraints—such as a lack of capital, the war ’s alterations to credit and debt structures, reduced access to livestock and farm machinery, changing labor arrangements in the wake of emancipation, and a series of droughts—complicated farmers’ efforts to resurrect crop production
    • andiswamntungwa
      andiswamntungwa on 27 Apr 23
       
      The area was disadvantaged as a result of the fight. Although its 4 million slaves were free, they had a difficult time getting money, land, or agricultural resources. Farmer's attempts to revive crop output were impeded by a number of obstacles, including lack of cash, the war's changes to loans and credit systems, decreased access to cattle and farm equipment, shifting labor relations after emancipation, and a string of droughts
  • pplying an environmental lens to the crucial decades between 1860 and 1880 reveals that war and emancipation changed how farmers thought about, manipulated, and organized their land in ways that fundamentally altered the southern economic landscape. Gradual revolutions in land use practices initiated a series of ecological shifts such as increased erosion, soil nutrient loss, and animal diseases tha t went hand in hand with the economic dislocation of sharecroppers and tenants, poor whites and poor blacks
    • andiswamntungwa
      andiswamntungwa on 27 Apr 23
       
      By viewing the important decades between 1860 and 1880 through the lens of the environment, it is clear that the civil war and liberation substantially affected the way farmers in the South viewed, managed, and structured their land. Sharecroppers and tenants, poor whites, and impoverished blacks were all affected economically by gradual changes in land use patterns, which led to ecological changes like decreased erosion, soil nutrient loss, and animal diseases.
  • T hrough an analysis of agricultural contracts as well as multidisciplinary literature on soil science, agronomy, and ecology, this article shows how alter ations to southern labor arrangements tightened natural limits on cotton production
    • andiswamntungwa
      andiswamntungwa on 27 Apr 23
       
      The study demonstrates how changes to labor agreements in the South reinforced the natural restriction on cotton cultivation through a review of farming contracts and interdisciplinary literature on soil science, agronomy and ecology
  • ...7 more annotations...
  • Farmers’ continual investment in land maintenance work was more than a way to keep slaves such as Big George occupied while waiting on snows to thaw or cotton to grow. To render the land productive and profitable, these tasks were essential. Ditching, for instance, slowed the loss of topsoil in c ultivated fields. Southern soils are highly erosive: heavily laced with clay, with lower percentages of organic material and base elements, southern “dirt” washes away easily and leaves few nutrients behind. Especially in areas with hillier topogr aphy, such as central Georgia, even gentle rains slowly eroded valuable topsoil once farmers removed vegetation from the land in preparation for planting
    • andiswamntungwa
      andiswamntungwa on 27 Apr 23
       
      More than just a means of keeping slaves like Big George busy while they waited for the snow to thaw or the cotton to grow, farmers continually invested in land maintenance work. These actions were crucial to making the land usable and profitable. For example, ditching reduced the rate at which topsoil was lost from cultivated areas. Southern "dirt" washes away readily and leaves little nutrients behind since it is largely clayed, has smaller percentages of organic material, and base elements. After farmers cleared the ground of vegetation in order to prepare it for sowing, even light rainfall steadily eroded valuable topsoil, especially in regions with hillier topography, like central Georgia.
  • During the antebellum period, the foundation of southerners’ extensive land use regime was shifting cultivation. Called “clearing new ground” in plantation records and agricultural journals, this technique meant that farmers typically cultivated a third of the land they owned or rented. 14 They kept the remainder of the land in reserve to be cleared and burned periodically; in this way, farmers created new fields once the old ones were exhausted
    • andiswamntungwa
      andiswamntungwa on 27 Apr 23
       
      Shifting cultivation served as the cornerstone of Southerners' broad land use regime during the antebellum era. In plantation records and agricultural journals, this method-known as "clearing new ground"-meant that farmers routinely maintained a third of the land they owned or rented. Farmers built new fields as the old ones became tired by holding back the remaining land to be regularly cleaned and torched.
  • Walston’s hired laborers’ refusal to perform tasks such as fence repair without additional wages was not an isolated labor dispute. After emancipation, contradictory ideas of “free labor” between landowners and exsla ves made land maintenance and the day-to-day autonomy of workers the subject of frequent clashes. Just as in British Guiana, East Africa, Jamaica, Brazil, and other post-emancipation societies around the globe, “the process of defining, categorizing, and selecting forms of tenure was the result of contention be tween planters, who hoped to reinstate large-scale and centralized gang-system labor, and freedmen and poor whites, who valued economic autonomy
    • andiswamntungwa
      andiswamntungwa on 27 Apr 23
       
      The unwillingness of Walston's hired laborers to complete chores like fixing fences without additional pay was not a separate labor conflict. Following emancipation, conflicting views of "free labor" held by landowners and former slaves led to disputes about worker autonomy and upkeep of the workplace. The process of determining, arranging, and choosing forms of tenure "was the result of assertion between farmers, who anticipated to reinstate large-scale and concentrated gang-system labor, and freedmen and poor whites, who appreciated economic autonomy," just as in British Guiana, East Africa, Jamaica, Brazil, and other post-emancipation societies within the world.
  • The growing popularity of certain forms of agricultural tenure, such as the half-share or cash tenancy, helped standardize e xpectations for the terms of labor over time. By the 1870s, contracts less frequently assumed slack-time tasks were part of crop cultivation. Land maintenance work such as clearing new ground, ditching, and fence repair became jobs for which landlords had to pay additional wages or apply a credit to a laborers’ account. Contracts that stated laborers would “do all necessary repairs about the place” became significantly less frequent, unless it was included as rent for a piece of land. 37 The timeline of these changes varied from place to place, but a survey of almost forty plantations in seven states reveals a general pattern
    • andiswamntungwa
      andiswamntungwa on 27 Apr 23
       
      Over time, demands for the conditions of labor contributed to standardization as some agri-cultural tenure arrangements, including the half-share or cash tenancy, gained favor. By the 1870s, slack-time duties were less frequently included in contracts as part of agricultural cultivation. Landlords had to pay extra salaries or credit laborers' accounts for land upkeep tasks like dredging ditches, repairing fences, and clearing fresh ground. Except when it was included as part of the rent for a piece of land, contracts that stipulated laborers would "do all necessary repairs about the place" became substantially less common. While the timing of these modifications varied depending on the location, a survey of nearly 40 plantations across seven states showed a consistent trend.
  • Land use changes after emancipation reflected the new reality of the postwar southern economy as well as freed slaves’ abilities to control their own labor. However, these changes had severe and unintended ecological consequences. Eschewing onerous tasks that did little to increase their share of the crop or benefit their assigned plot was doubtless an important step in achieving some autonomy in black laborers’ work. Nevertheless, disputes over arranging and paying for land maintenance encouraged landlords to let their fences rot just a little longer or allow ditches to fill up, contributing to ongoing problems of soil erosion and crop damage by livestock
    • andiswamntungwa
      andiswamntungwa on 27 Apr 23
       
      Following liberation, changes in land use represented both the ability of freed slaves to manage their own labor and the new realities of the postoperative southern economy. But these modifications had negative and unforeseen ecological effects. Getting some autonomy in black laborers' employment required them to avoid burdensome chores that did little to raise their part of the harvest or benefit their designated plot, which was undoubtedly a crucial step. However, disagreements over who would arrange and pay for land upkeep led owners to let their perimeters deteriorate for a little while longer or let their ditches to fill up, adding to the ongoing issues of soil erosion and livestock damaging crops.
  • Planters’ records, agricultural publications, and other sources dis cussed the growing crisis of soil quality on cotton lands with regularity, but reduced land maintenance had other effec ts unrelated to erosion. For instance, the struggle over fence repair added momentum to a region-wide push for eliminating the open range
    • andiswamntungwa
      andiswamntungwa on 27 Apr 23
       
      Regular discussions of the worsening soil quality crisis on cotton plantations were found in planters' records, agricultural periodicals, and other sources, but neglected land maintenance had other repercussions unrelated to erosion. For instance, the conflict over fence upkeep fueled a regional campaign to end the open range.
  • Ultimately, the social, political, and economic upheavals of emanci pation, as manifested in the introduction and evolution of agricultural contr acts, had ecological consequences. Whereas the ecological regime of slavery reinforced the extensive land use practices of the antebellum period, the end of slavery significantly weakened them. One way it did this was by reducing the amount of time dedicated to land maintenance (or the upkeep and clearance of the land), especially in the cotton-growing regions of the lower South. Ex-slaves expected freedom to completely transform every aspect of their lives, and for many, this meant either forgoing agri cultural labor altogether or working their own land however they chose. Doing the same labor under the same mas ter, now landlord, on the same terms was not the transformation desired.
    • andiswamntungwa
      andiswamntungwa on 27 Apr 23
       
      In the end, the introduction and development of agricultural contracts as a result of the social, political, and economic changes brought about by emancipation had an impact on the environment. The broad land use practices of the antebellum era were strengthened by the ecological system of slavery, but they were considerably undermined by its abolition. Reduced time spent on land maintenance (or clearing and maintaining the land), particularly in the lower South's cotton-growing districts, was one method it accomplished this. Ex-slaves anticipated that freedom would fundamentally revolutionize every area of their lives, and for many, this meant either completely forgoing agricultural labor or using their own property anyway they saw fit.
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The administration of the abolition laws, African responses, and post‐proclam... - 1 views

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  • ated. I agree with Dumett and Johnson that abolition laws were erratically administered, 7
  • I reject the suggestion that the initial surge in the use of the courts occurred in the Protectorate." In the Protectorate it was limited to centres of missionary activity. I take issue with the existing literature which argues that slaves usually used the courts in the Colony in their quest for freedom. Even in the Colony, the courts failed to assist freed slaves in adjusting to freedom. This explains their return to forms of bondage and dependency, and not, as others have maintained, the benignity of slavery or the generosity of holders.
    • andiswamntungwa
      andiswamntungwa on 27 Apr 23
       
      Kwabena Opare-Akurang does not agree with the suggestion that the purpose of the courts was a special form of government, which one country recognizes the supremacy of the other. It They were only limited to gospel propagating centers. He is against what the literature says, that slaves could use the courts in the colony to seek freedom. He further argues that the courts failed to offer assistance to slaves that were already free, assistance that was going to help them acclimatize to the idea of freedom. This resulted in them returning back to the state of being slaves and being dependent on the holders. But this did not apply to all the slaves as some were able to regain the ability of being kind and tolerant towards the holders.
  • In the Gold Coast, there was a shortage of colonial officials with professional legal training and experience throughout the colonial period. 43 As the political structures of the colonial state developed, the onus of implementing the abolition ordinance devolved on the DCs. The DCs court was solely responsible for adjudicating cases of slavery from the late 1870s. 44 It
    • andiswamntungwa
      andiswamntungwa on 27 Apr 23
       
      Throughout the colonial era, the Gold Coast suffered from a shortage of colonial officials with professional legal training and expertise. The responsibility for carrying out the abolition decree passed to the DCs as the colonial state's political structures grew. Slavery cases were only heard by the DCs court beginning in the late 1870s.
  • ...6 more annotations...
  • The operation of the abolition ordinance was stagnant and erratic until the late 1920s, when pressure from foreign anti-slavery societies led to revisions, making it more viable as an instrument of legal status abolition. First, there was the Slave-dealing Abolition Ordinance of 1928 that strengthened the previous Ordinance. 27 Second, the 'Reafflrmation of the Abolition of Slavery Ordinance, 1930' clearly stated that 'slavery in any form whatsoever was unlawful and that the legal status of slavery did not exist
    • andiswamntungwa
      andiswamntungwa on 27 Apr 23
       
      The abolition ordinance operated in a stagnant and unpredictable manner until the late 1920s, when pressure from overseas anti-slavery organisations resulted in amendments that made it more effective as a tool for legal status abolition.First, the preceding Ordinance was tightened by the Slave-dealing Abolition Ordinance of 1928.Second, the Reaffirmation of the Abolition of Slavery Ordinance of 1930 made it abundantly plain that "slavery in any form was unlawful and that the legal status of slavery did not exist."
  • The Ordinance was to apply to the Gold Coast Colony and the 'Protected Territories'. It also stated that henceforth slaves who entered the Protectorate and the Colony would be automatically free. 20 Thus Strahan's policy sought modification of servile institutions rather than their elimination. 21
    • andiswamntungwa
      andiswamntungwa on 27 Apr 23
       
      The Gold Coast Colony and the "Protected Territories" were to be covered by the Ordinance. Furthermore, it stipulated that going forward, slaves who entered the Protectorate and the Colony would be granted automatic freedom. Therefore, Strahan's program favored altering servile institutions rather than eliminating them.
  • During the first decade of the twentieth century, the number of European and African administrators increased, and the work of the DCs became purely administrative, devoid of the legal work that had encumbered it in the past. By 1905, there were Detective Branches at Accra, Cape Coast, and Sekondi, all coastal towns. Accra had the highest number of detectives with the most superior ranks. This is perhaps reflected on the statistics for crime for 1905, which recorded four slave-dealing cases in Accra and one at Cape Coast." Reinforced by additional personnel, provincial courts began to assume responsibility for administering the abolition ordinance. However, this did not bring any marked change in their administration
    • andiswamntungwa
      andiswamntungwa on 27 Apr 23
       
      The number of European and African administrators expanded throughout the first decade of the 20th century, and the work of the DCs changed from being mostly legal in nature to being entirely administrative. Detective Branches existed in the coastal cities of Accra, Cape Coast, and Sekondi by 1905. The most detectives with the highest ranks were located in Accra. The criminal statistics for 1905, which listed four slave-dealing instances in Accra and one in Cape Coast, may reflect this."With the help of more staff, provincial courts started taking up administration of the abolition ordinance. However, this had no discernible impact on how they conducted business.
  • hus British resources were stretched to the limit in the Gold Coast. Shortage of colonial officials limited the geographical extent of British administration and led to a policy of conciliation towards the Protectorate states, thereby facilitating slavery there. 56 It was also the chief reason that enforcement of abolition laws was confined to the Colony until the early decades of the twentieth century. 57 Until the 1880s, the colonial government tacitly supported the Basel Mission in its struggle to emancipate slaves and pawns in Akyem Abuakwa. 58 Colonial policy was to 'maintain political peace in the country at any price'. 59 There was a similar British policy in the Praso and Voltaic regions. 60 This made it possible for slave-dealers to continue to bring slaves into the Gold Coast from the interior ports of trade well into the early twentieth century." Allowing slavery to thrive in the Protectorate permitted it to survive in the Colony.
    • andiswamntungwa
      andiswamntungwa on 27 Apr 23
       
      In the Gold Coast, all available British resources were used to the fullest extent. Lack of colonial administrators constrained the British administration's geographic reach and resulted in a policy of accommodation with the Protectorate States, which encouraged slavery there. This was also the main reason that up until the early decades of the 20th century, the Colony was the only place where abolition laws were actually enforced. Up until the 1880s, the Basel Mission's fight to free slaves and pawns in Akyem Abuakwa had implicit assistance from the colonial authorities. The goal of colonial policy in 1958 was to "maintain political peace in the nation at all costs."59In the Praso and Voltaic regions, the British government followed a similar program. This allowed slave traders to continue transporting captives from inland ports of commerce into the Gold Coast long into the early 20th century.
  • One major gap in the historiography is how Africans responded to the ordinance and its impact on the effectiveness of the abolition. Indeed, Africans responded ingeniously to the operation of the abolition ordinance. Slave-holders and dealers adopted innovative measures to counter the abolition ordinance, hence making it difficult for colonial officials to detect enslaved persons. 98 Most cases of enslavement were brought to the attention of colonial officials through African informers or by the slaves themselv
    • andiswamntungwa
      andiswamntungwa on 27 Apr 23
       
      How Africans reacted to the Ordinance and its effect on the success of the abolition is one significant area where the historiography is lacking. Africans did, in fact, cleverly adapt to the abolition ordinance's operation. Innovative tactics were used by slaveholders and dealers to thwart the abolition legislation, making it challenging for colonial officials to find slaves. The majority of enslavement incidents were reported to colonial authorities by either the slaves themselves or by African informants.
  • Communal religious practices and sanctions also served the interests of slave dealers and holders. 107 Slaves were made to swear oaths and 'drink fetish', ritually binding them to stay and refrain from reporting their servile status to colonial officials. For example, in 1875 a holder took a freed slave to 'King Tackie for the purpose of administering fetish oath so as to declare that she will no longer go back to the government'. 108 This bound the slave to the holder, as slaves feared that a breach of the oath or the 'fetish' would be catastrophic. Again, how prevalent this was is difficult to gauge. However, the 'fetish' and oathing sanctions have been powerful agencies of social and political control throughout Ghanaian history.
    • andiswamntungwa
      andiswamntungwa on 27 Apr 23
       
      The interests of slave traders and owners were furthered by communal religious punishments and practices. Slaves were ritually forced to stay and keep from disclosing their servile position to colonial authority by making them take oaths and engage in a "drink fetish." For instance, in 1875, a holding took a liberated slave to "King Tackie to administer fetish oath so as to declare that she will not go back to the government. "A breach of the oath or the "fetish" would be disastrous, therefore this bonded the slave to the possessor. Again, it's hard to say how common this was. However, throughout Ghana's history, "fetish" and "oathing" sanctions have been effective social and political control mechanisms.
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