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mbalenhle2003

The Causes and Consequences of Africa's Slave Trade - 3 views

  • These were lists of slaves that were emancipated in 1884–1885 and in 1874–1908. The list recorded the slave’s name, age, ethnic identity, date freed, and former master’s name. 22 Together, the three samples include 9,774 slaves with 80 different ethnicities. Two additional samples of slaves shipped to Mauritius in the 19th century are also available. However, these samples only distinguish between slaves that were originally from the island of Madagascar and slaves from mainland Africa. 23 The data from the Mauritius samples are used to distinguish between slaves who were originally from mainland Africa and those from Madagascar. The number of slaves from mainland Africa are then disaggregated using the sample of slaves from the Zanzibar National Archive documents, as well as a small sample of nine slaves from Harris’ The African Presence in Asia. In total, the Indian Ocean ethnicity data include 21,048 slaves with 80 different ethnicities.
    • mbalenhle2003
       
      The Red Sea statistics come from two samples: 62 slaves from Jedda, Saudi Arabia, and five slaves from Bombay, India. The samples from India and Saudi Arabia are from two British studies that were submitted to the League of Nations and were later published in the League of Nations' Council Documents in 1936 and 1937, respectively, by Harris' The African Presence in Asia.24The samples contain data on 67 slaves overall, representing 32 different racial groups. There are two samples available for the trans-Saharan slave trade: one from Central Sudan and the other from Western Sudan. 5,385 slaves' origins are revealed through the samples, and 23 different nationalities are identified.25The Saharan ethnicity data's primary flaw is that they do not include samples from all locations.
  • These were lists of slaves that were emancipated in 1884–1885 and in 1874–1908. The list recorded the slave’s name, age, ethnic identity, date freed, and former master’s name. 22 Together, the three samples include 9,774 slaves with 80 different ethnicities. Two additional samples of slaves shipped to Mauritius in the 19th century are also available. However, these samples only distinguish between slaves that were originally from the island of Madagascar and slaves from mainland Africa. 23 The data from the Mauritius samples are used to distinguish between slaves who were originally from mainland Africa and those from Madagascar. The number of slaves from mainland Africa are then disaggregated using the sample of slaves from the Zanzibar National Archive documents, as well as a small sample of nine slaves from Harris’ The African Presence in Asia. In total, the Indian Ocean ethnicity data include 21,048 slaves with 80 different ethnicities.
    • mbalenhle2003
       
      These were lists of slaves who were freed between 1874 and 1908 and between 1884 and 1885. The list included the name, age, ethnicity, date of freedom, and former master's name for each slave.22There are 9,774 slaves total in the three datasets, representing 80 distinct ethnic groups. There are also two other examples of slaves who were sent to Mauritius in the 19th century. These samples, however, only make a distinction between slaves from the continent of Africa and those who were originally from the island of Madagascar.23The information from the Mauritius samples is utilized to distinguish between slaves who came from Madagascar and those who came from the continent of Africa. The number of slaves from continental Africa is then broken down using a small sample of nine captives from Harris' The African Presence in Asia as well as a sample of slaves from the Zanzibar National Archive papers.
  • The Red Sea data are from two samples: a sample of five slaves from Bombay, India and a sample of 62 slaves from Jedda, Saudi Arabia. The sample from India is from Harris’ The African Presence in Asia, and the sample from Saudi Arabia which is from two British reports submitted to the League of Nations, and published in the League of Nations’ Council Documents in 1936 and 1937. 24 In total, the samples provide information for 67 slaves, with 32 different ethnicities recorded. For the trans-Saharan slave trade, two samples are available: one from Central Sudan and the other from Western Sudan. The samples provide information on the origins of 5,385 slaves, with 23 different ethnicities recorded. 25 The main shortcoming of the Saharan ethnicity data is that they do not provide samples from all regions from which slaves were taken during the Saharan slave trade. However, the shipping data from Ralph Austen not only provide information on the volume of trade, but also information on which caravan slaves were shipped on, the city or town that the caravan originated in, the destination of the caravan, and in some cases, the ethnic identity of the slaves being shipped
    • mbalenhle2003
       
      The Red Sea statistics come from two samples: 62 slaves from Jedda, Saudi Arabia, and five slaves from Bombay, India. Both the sample from India and the sample from Saudi Arabia are taken from British reports that were submitted to the League of Nations and published in the League of Nations Council Documents in 1936 and 1937, respectively. The sample from India is taken from Harris' The African Presence in Asia.24The samples contain data on 67 slaves overall, representing 32 different racial groups. There are two samples available for the trans-Saharan slave trade, one from Central Sudan and the other from Western Sudan. 5,385 slaves' origins are revealed through the samples, and 23 different nationalities are identified. The Saharan ethnicity data's primary flaw is that they carried slaves on caravans when shipping them.
  • ...2 more annotations...
  • Admittedly, the final estimates for the Saharan slave trade are very poor. This is also true for the Red Sea slave trade. However, it will be shown that all of the statistical results are completely robust with or without the estimates of slaves shipped during these two slave trades. That is, the statistical findings remain even if the Red Sea and Saharan slave trades are completely ignored because of the poor quality of their data. Combining the ethnicity data with the shipping data, estimates of the number of slaves taken from each country in Africa are constructed. 26 The construction procedure follows the following logic. Using the shipping data, the number of slaves shipped from each coastal country in Africa is first calculated. As mentioned, the problem with these numbers is that slaves shipped from the ports of a coastal country may not have come from that country, but from inland countries that lie landlocked behind the coastal country. To estimate the number of slaves shipped from the coast that would have come from these inland countries, the sample of slaves from the ethnicity data is used. Each ethnicity is first mapped to modern country boundaries. This step relies on a great amount of past research by African historians. The authors of the secondary sources, from which the data were taken, generally also provide a detailed analysis of the meaning and locations of the ethnicities appearing in the historical records. In many of the publications, the authors created maps showing the locations of the ethnic groups recorded in the documents. For example, detailed maps are provided in Higman’s samples from the British Caribbean, Koelle’s linguistic inventory of free slaves in Sierra Leone, Mary Karasch’s samples from Rio de Janeiro, Aguirre Beltran’s sample from plantation and sales records from Mexico, Adam Jones’ sample of liberated child slaves from Sierra Leone, and David Pavy’s sample of slaves from Colombia. 27 Other sources also provide excellent summaries of the most common ethnic designations used during the slave trades. These include Philip Curtin’s The Atlantic Slave Trade: A Census, ethnographer George Peter Murdock’s Africa: Its Peoples and Their Cultural History, and Gwendolyn Midlo Hall’s
    • mbalenhle2003
       
      The estimates for the trans-Saharan slave trade are, admittedly, rather weak. The Red Sea slave trade is an example of this. It will be demonstrated, nevertheless, that these statistical findings hold true whether or not the estimates of slaves shipped during these two slave exchanges are included. In other words, the statistical results hold true even if the Red Sea and Saharan slave markets are entirely disregarded due to the poor quality of their data. Estimates of the number of slaves taken from each African nation are created by fusing the shipping statistics with the ethnicity data.26The construction process follows the reasoning shown below. The number of slaves sent from each coastline nation in Africa is first determined using the shipping information. As previously stated, the issue with these figures is that slaves shipped from the ports are first estimated.
  • Admittedly, the final estimates for the Saharan slave trade are very poor. This is also true for the Red Sea slave trade. However, it will be shown that all of the statistical results are completely robust with or without the estimates of slaves shipped during these two slave trades. That is, the statistical findings remain even if the Red Sea and Saharan slave trades are completely ignored because of the poor quality of their data. Combining the ethnicity data with the shipping data, estimates of the number of slaves taken from each country in Africa are constructed.The construction procedure follows the following logic. Using the shipping data, the number of slaves shipped from each coastal country in Africa is first calculated. As mentioned, the problem with these numbers is that slaves shipped from the ports of a coastal country may not have come from that country, but from inland countries that lie landlocked behind the coastal country. To estimate the number of slaves shipped from the coast that would have come from these inland countries, the sample of slaves from the ethnicity data is used. Each ethnicity is first mapped to modern country boundaries. This step relies on a great amount of past research by African historians. The authors of the secondary sources, from which the data were taken, generally also provide a detailed analysis of the meaning and locations of the ethnicities appearing in the historical records. In many of the publications, the authors created maps showing the locations of the ethnic groups recorded in the documents. For example, detailed maps are provided in Higman’s samples from the British Caribbean, Koelle’s linguistic inventory of free slaves in Sierra Leone, Mary Karasch’s samples from Rio de Janeiro, Aguirre Beltran’s sample from plantation and sales records from Mexico, Adam Jones’ sample of liberated child slaves from Sierra Leone, and David Pavy’s sample of slaves from Colombia.Other sources also provide excellent summaries of the most common ethnic designations used during the slave trades. These include Philip Curtin’s The Atlantic Slave Trade: A Census, ethnographer George Peter Murdock’s Africa: Its Peoples and Their Cultural History, and Gwendolyn Midlo Hall’s Slavery and African Ethnicities in the Americas: Restoring the Links. Many of the ethnic groups in the ethnicity sample do not map cleanly into one country. The quantitatively most important ethnic groups that fall into this category include: the Ana, Ewe, Fon, Kabre, and Popo, who occupied land in modern Benin and Togo; the Kongo, who resided in what is now the Democratic Republic of Congo and Angola; the Makonde, localized within Mozambique and Tanzania; the Malinke, who occupied lived within Senegal, Gambia, Mali, Guinea, Ivory Coast, and Guinea Bissau; the Nalu, from Guinea Bissau and Guinea; the Teke, living in land within Gabon, Congo, and Democratic Republic of Congo; and the Yao from Malawi, Mozambique, and Tanzania. In cases such as these, the total number of slaves from each ethnic group was divided between the countries using information from George Peter Murdock’s Africa: Its Peoples and Their Cultural History. Ethnic groups were first mapped to his classification of over 800 ethnic groups for Africa. Using a digitized version of a map provided in his book and GIS software, the proportion of land area in each country occupied by the ethnic group was calculated. These proportions were then used as weights to disaggregate the total number of slaves of an ethnicity between the countries. Using the ethnicity sample, an estimate of the number of slaves shipped from each coastal country that would have come from each inland country is calculated. Using these figures, the number of slaves that came from all countries in Africa, both coastal and inland, is then calculated. Because over time, slaves were increasingly being taken from further inland, the estimation procedure is performed separately for each of the following four time periods: 14001599, 1600-1699, 1700-1799, 1800-1900. In other words, for each time period, the shipping data and ethnicity data from that time period only is used in the calculations. In the end, the procedure yields estimates of the number of slaves taken from each country in each of the four slave trades for each of the four time periods listed above.
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    Non-academic source
thutomatlhoko

Journal of the Society for Arts, Vol. 30, no. 1542.pdf - 1 views

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    The journal of the Society for Arts is a review on a play based on The Zulu War. (Secondary Source). The memorandum about the history the Zulu race was written by Sir Theophilus Shepstone in 1875 as well as Mr F.B Fynney who contributed 3 years after. The character of the Zulu Chief, Cetywayo's weakness as a ruler was based on his cruelty and terror as he was unaware of the invincible powers of England which led to their downfall. The journal also mentions how Shaka Zulu defeated the British when he was still in power and how the natives tried to make use of his techniques after his death.
keciatshebwa

The Blantyre missionaries: discreditable disclosures.pdf - 3 views

shared by keciatshebwa on 26 Apr 23 - No Cached
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    The Secondary source annotated gives an historical account of The Blantyre mission for those who had many notions and perceptions about it. Delving into its start, its progression and then latter overturn of the missionaries ill treating the natives and then the efforts by the Scottish Church Society to redirect the Mission.
nikilithandamase18

Guns, Race, and Skill in Nineteenth-Century Southern Africa.pdf - 4 views

  • of G
    • nikilithandamase18
       
      to get possession of something or to obtain (something) by particular care and effort.
  • n th
    • nikilithandamase18
       
      A militia is generally an army or some other fighting organization of non-professional and/or part-time soldiers; citizens of a country, or subjects of a state, who may perform military service during a time of need, as opposed to a professional force of regular, full-time military personnel.
  • even
    • nikilithandamase18
       
      Advent is a season observed in most Christian denominations as a time of expectant waiting and preparation for both the celebration of the Nativity of Christ at Christmas and the return of Christ at the Second Coming
  • ...21 more annotations...
  • Boer fronti
    • nikilithandamase18
       
      a man living in the region of a frontier, especially that between settled and unsettled country
  • r marksm
    • nikilithandamase18
       
      a person skilled in shooting
  • ge, shortcha
    • nikilithandamase18
       
      insufficient information which was at this case an analysis
  • er. High-status workers fought to preserve old skills as industrialists introduced new technologies that depended less
    • nikilithandamase18
       
      This can also be seen with the current stage of the 4th industrial revolution as it is replacing the human resource e.g. Mc Donald's has a machine for customers to place orders and as time goes the cashiers will lose their jobs.
  • e Skulki
    • nikilithandamase18
       
      keep out of sight, typically with a sinister or cowardly motive
  • st adro
    • nikilithandamase18
       
      in a clever or skilful way
  • Griqu
    • nikilithandamase18
       
      Griqua was the name given to a mixed-race culture in the Cape Colony of South Africa, around the 17th and 18th century (Taylor, 2020)
  • ialist heg
    • nikilithandamase18
       
      leadership or dominance, especially by one state or social group over others
  • The X
    • nikilithandamase18
       
      The Xhosa people, or Xhosa-speaking people are a Nguni ethnic group whose traditional homeland is primarily the Cape Provinces of South Africa
  • Khoisa
    • nikilithandamase18
       
      is a catch-all term for those indigenous peoples of Southern Africa who do not speak one of the Bantu languages, combining the Khoekhoen
  • The S
    • nikilithandamase18
       
      The Sotho people, also known as the Basuto or Basotho (/bæˈsuːtuː/), are a Bantu nation native to southern Africa. Basothos have inhabited the region of Lesotho, South Africa since around the fifth century CE.
  • u
  • redcoat desert
    • nikilithandamase18
       
      the term "redcoat" was a derogatory one, used as a "name of contempt for a soldier" with the word "soldier" itself being described as "one who serves for pay". In the American colonies the term "lobster" was applied to the redcoat soldier.
  • by ethnograp
    • nikilithandamase18
       
      Ethnography is a branch of anthropology and the systematic study of individual cultures
  • bricolag
    • nikilithandamase18
       
      construction (as of a sculpture or a structure of ideas) achieved by using whatever comes to handsomething constructed in this way
  • : "mimeomorp
    • nikilithandamase18
       
      Mimeomorphic actions are actions that we want to do the same way every time, almost as though we were machines
  • e Mfen
    • nikilithandamase18
       
      The amaMfengu (in the Xhosa language Mfengu, plural amafengu) was a reference of Xhosa clans whose ancestors were refugees that fled from the Mfecane in the early 19th century to seek land and protection from the Xhosa and have since been assimilated into the Xhosa cultural way of life
  • oot
    • nikilithandamase18
       
      A smoothbore weapon is one that has a barrel without rifling
  • muzzle-loa
    • nikilithandamase18
       
      muzzleloading is the sport or pastime of firing muzzleloading guns
  • e, fli
    • nikilithandamase18
       
      Flintlock is a general term for any firearm that uses a flint-striking ignition mechanism, the first of which appeared in Western Europe in the early 16th century.
  • s to breechloa
    • nikilithandamase18
       
      A breechloader is a firearm in which the user loads the ammunition (cartridge or shell) via the rear (breech) end of its barrel, as opposed to a muzzleloader, which loads ammunition via the front (muzzle)
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    JSTOR Article: secondary source
siphesihle26

'Fighting Stick of Thunder': Firearms and the Zulu Kingdom: The Cultural Ambiguities of... - 2 views

    • siphesihle26
       
      found information that intrigued me on pages 1-6 but was unable to cut out the rest of the pages
  • iziqu
    • siphesihle26
       
      iziqu is a qualification and this means whenever that conquered they would graduate and gain more respect within their area until they get to a point of working closely with the chief. very disturbing that it means failure in this context
  • oral testimony
    • siphesihle26
       
      this statement makes the source to be an oral tradition and secondary source, some information will be left out even if it is from a primary source
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  • armpit like a goat
    • siphesihle26
       
      this was very inhumane because there are and were still other forms of punishment
  • ‘wipe the hoe’ by raping a married woman or girl while still a long way from home
    • siphesihle26
       
      this is absurd because they need to hurt other people in order to cleanse themselves and seemingly protect, the very vulnerable that they will be physically and psychologically hurting.
  • By contrast, in South Africa, the spread of guns was far slower because of the sheer, vast extent of the sub-continent’s interior and its lack of ports.
    • siphesihle26
       
      this could have been one of te reasons why it spreadslowly in SA but the economy could have also had an impact considering that the SA economy is weaker than the european economy and guns emerged in Europe
  • if we are to attempt to grasp what Zulu military culture entailed, and the tentative part fi rearms played in it, we must approach the matter as best we can from the Zulu perspective, making use of admittedly limited recorded oral evidence, praise-songs, and the statements of prisoners-of-war.
    • siphesihle26
       
      this way is very effective in the sense that even if they do not interview anyon they will gt to gather information that they will use as primary sources when establishing work on the topic at hand
  • It suggests that the battle tactics the Zulu undoubtedly employed in the war of 1838 against the invading Voortrekkers, and against each other in the civil wars of 1840 and 1856, had already taken full shape during Shaka’s reign.
    • siphesihle26
       
      the Kwa-Zulu Natal warriors already having been to war before meant that they had an experience that they could have employed in 1879 and possibly used the same soldiers that they had used before. the Battle of Blood River which they also did not win but was absurd yet good fight
  • military potential.
    • siphesihle26
       
      the king being interested in such that they posses could have been what actually led to Europeans thinking that they would be easily given the land they perhaps had hopes of trading land for the muskets.
  • In 1826, he used the limited but alarming fi repower of the Port Natal traders and their trained African retainers against his great rivals, the Ndwandwe people, in the decisive battle of the izinDolowane hills; and in 1827, he again used their fi repower in subduing the Khumalo people.
    • siphesihle26
       
      looking at this piece it can firmly be argued that Shaka never would have won this war because was an enemy to people who were supposed to e his allies, it is also something expected from someone who is facing a war in his territory and not sure who to and not to trust, fortunately for him Fearing for his own life after his father's death, Mzilikazi decided to forge an alliance with Shaka for his protection & the Khumalo clan. Shaka was a rising star at that time, building his Zulu empire through raids, subjugation & assimilation of smaller ethnic groups.
  • adornment
    • siphesihle26
       
      ornament used to decorate
  • udumo
    • siphesihle26
       
      udumo would not be the one of weather but udumo of recognition, being well known and praised.
andiswa2023

Guns,Race & Skill in 19th century Southern Africa.pdf - 0 views

shared by andiswa2023 on 24 Apr 23 - No Cached
  • Wars. During the early nineteen
  • overcame conservative opposition and helped tr
  • technically free. Liberals also encouraged the spread
  • ...26 more annotations...
  • anity among Africans. Partly through the en
  • missionaries, more Africans took up firearm
  • sons, most prominently to gain security and to
  • began to grow scarce, in the middle of the cent
  • began to grow scarce, in the middle of the ce
  • LOGY AND CULT
  • LOGY AND CULTURE OCTOBER 2004 VOL. 45 upper hand in colonial politics. Settler perceptions of the threa
  • upper hand in colonial politics. Settler perceptions of the threat posed by armed Africans persuaded British conservatives to portray Afri
  • skilled with firearms, even as they otherwise characterized Afri
  • racially inferior. The common perception that Boer frontiersm
  • superior marksmen
  • superior marksmen had, by the end of the nineteenth century,
  • historians use sources to assess technological skill? It is an issue of fundamental importance because skill exists at the intersection of the human and the material. Even so, historians tend to overlook the methodological challenge, shortchanging analysis in their discussions of skill. Historians of industrialization in Europe and North America, for example, have written about the ways in which the loss of skill related to the loss of worker pow
  • n the best available study on that specific subject, The Skulking Way of War: Technology and Tactics among the New England Indians^ Patrick Malone describes how European settlers introduced guns to New England, pointing out that Native Americans adapted them most adroitly to the local environment. The Native Americans learned to shoot well and combined that capability with their skills in forest warfare to gain a temporary military advantage, until English colonists learned how to fight with guns in forests, too.3 Malone's study is based largely on colonial sources, though, and he does
  • consider the possibility that English descriptions of Native Americans' skill with guns might have aimed at portraying them as more dangerous than they really may have been, which would have furthered the colonials' aims to dispossess them.
  • ith weapons, a facility that enabled them to resist colonialism for a while. The Xhosa were both good and bad marksmen, while the Mfengu were skilled and dangerous. The Sotho were "indifferently armed and were poor shots" before the 1870s, when they became "crack marksmen." The Zulu never integrated firearms completely into their military tactics, but by the Anglo-Zulu War of 1879 some Zulu shot well because, according to a British government source, they had received instruction from redcoat deserters
  • Contradictory views of skill are not unique to historians of firearms and colonialism. Little in the historiography of technology goes beyond labor historians' concern with worker de-skilli
  • were debated extensively in southern Africa in the nineteenth century. Everyday practice as it related to firearms, as well as the representation of everyday practice, was highly ideological, as may be seen in the efforts of those who wished to regulate the spread of guns. Nineteenth-century settler politicians often made highly politicized claims about skill and
  • an muskets, and so were favored more by hunters than by soldiers.10 OCTOBER 2004 VOL. 45 In the early nineteenth century, military and civilian firearms incorporated a number of technical improvements. Percussion locks came into wide service by the 1840s.11 At around the same time, improvements in ammunition persuaded most soldiers and civilians to replace their smoothbores with more accurate rifles.12 And, finally, by the 1860s design improvements in breech-loading firearms made it possible for most soldiers and civilians to switch from muzzle loaders to breechloa
  • . Hunting could even provide a better income than cattle farming. The naturalist William Burchell, who traveled in the interior in 1812, observed how Africans became involved in a cash economy as European trade networks reached into the interior.14 Many African hunters worked for European traders, who employed them as trackers and supplied them with guns and ammunitio
  • t. By hunting, this people would obtain food in a manner so much more agreeable than by agriculture, that grain would probably become but a secondary resource; but the evil would remedy itself, and the more eagerly they pursued the chase, and the more numerous were the guns and the hunters, the sooner would the game be destroyed or driven out of the coun
  • orated in this fashion sterloop, the star barrel.20 Cape and American guns both demonstrate a hybrid vigor in design, as local needs interacted with traditional patterns. In eastern North America hunters tended to use smaller- caliber firearms because they hunted smaller animals, like deer, while westerners, who might encounter bison, elk, or grizzly bears, preferred larger calibers, though rarely as large as the southern African four-bore.21 Cape gunsmiths and their American counterparts alike were sensitive to both the needs of local hunters and recent technological developments. They refitted flintlock muskets with percussion locks, and in so
  • ca's emerging capitalist economy, frequently using their wages to buy guns. African gun ownership concerned both British and Boer settlers, who saw firearms not only as tools of civilian life on the frontier but also as instruments of political power. It also concerned British and Boer officials, who incorporated disarmament into their plans to despoil Africans of their land. While developing plans to disarm, dispossess, and disenfranchise Africans, British settlerpoliticians argued that whites should take care to maintain their skills with arms - not to denude the environment of animals but to defend against attacks by dangerous Africans.
  • male citizen could vote, provided he possessed a certain amount of property. Guns had been subject to.a variety of sporadically enforced regulations since the seventeenth century. In the 1870s, permits to purchase firearms could be issued by unsalaried justices of the peace as well as by salaried resident magistrates. Rules for issuing permits were spelled out in the colony's Circular No. 4 of 1874, which instructed resident magistrates to issue gun permits only to Africans who were "fit" to possess guns without defining how, exactly, they were to determine fitness. Justices of the peace received no such instructions, and many settlers felt that they were too liberal in issuing permits.33 Permissive policies were defended by prominent liberals. The Cape Colony's secretary for native affairs, Charles Brownlee, observed that Africans wanted to know "why if they are really British subjects we should be so anxious that they should not possess gu
  • ife and property of its subjects."56 Communities that were coming under British rule needed to be disarmed. That was the civilized way to diminish risk and increase security. Frere wrote that "a wise government cannot permit any portion of the population, whose attachment to the government is in the least doubtfu
  • LOGY AND CULTURE OCTOBER 2004 VOL 45 remain generally possessed of arms." In the eighteenth century this had been government policy in Scotland. In the nineteenth century it had been policy in Ireland. In India during the Mutiny Lord Canning had disarmed sepoys suspected of disloyalty. It did not matter that the loyal and the disloyal were treated alike, because the government could not determine, at any given point, exactly who was who. General disarmament was the only practical policy. Even if it proved difficult to confiscate all weapons, if people got out of the habit of carrying guns in public disarmament would eventually be achieved. Based on this rendition of history, Frere proclaimed that the Pea
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    Guns were also a means for killing game animals. Firearms designers were spurred on by rivalries during War. Firearms became much more effective. Guns were not the focus of attention at all times, but awareness of guns and the actions that could be performed with guns certainly permeated the consciousness of many South Africans.
LIYEMA MTOLI

Sir Bartle Frere visit in East Africa (secondary source) - 3 views

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    From page 24 onwards, this documents takes us through the events of Sir Bartle's visits in Zanzibar, as well as puts in depth his negotiations and what he does for persuasion.
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    Hi Mtoli, this source is not shared properly. It says "log in through your library". It appears you did not access the site through the UJ database, using your UJ details.
seeranefm

American Anti-Slavery Almanac Vol. II, No. I/ - 1 views

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    The American Anti-Slavery Almanac was published annually by the American Anti-Slavery Society from 1836 to 1843 as part of the Society's attempts to increase awareness of the reality of slavery in nineteenth-century America. The yearly almanac combined astronomical data and calendars with anti-slavery literature, art, and marketing in the form of a compact, elegant pamphlet. The 1843 edition, for example, includes works by authors such as William Lloyd Garrison and Thomas Moore, as well as stories of recent slave rebellions and extracts from political speeches in support of slavery abolition. The almanac did not call for an uprising or violence, but rather served to increase awareness of the anti-slavery movement.
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    This source is not shared properly.
asanda

Firearms in Nineteenth-Century Botswana: The Case of Livingstone's 8-Bore Bullet.pdf - 3 views

  • Although closely associated with the South African experience, the pre-colonial emergence of an indigenous gun culture among communities within modern Botswana was a determining factor in the territory’s separate colonial and thus postcolonial destiny. Possession of guns, accompanied by a rapid adoption of new military as well as hunting tactics for their use, played a key role in the reformation of local polities during the midnineteenth century. By 1870 most of modern Botswana had as a result come under the authority of four kingdoms; led by the Dikgosi of Bakwena (Kweneng), Bangwaketse (Gangwaketse), Bangwato (Gammangwato) and Batawana (Gatawana). 8 The political authority of each of these kingdoms, along with the border states of the Barolong booRatshidi (Borolong), Bakgatla bagaKgafela (Kgatleng) and Balete (Gammalete), was supported by the protective as well as coercive capacity of their arsenals. 9 This in turn enabled them to resist repeated threats to their independent well-being by the Amandebele and Boers. Defensive state formation in south-east Botswana further resulted in a considerable population influx from the Transvaal, permanently altering the region’s demography. An 1857 visitor to the Bakwena capital, Dithubaruba, thus observed that
    • asanda
       
      this is important because it is where pre-colonial began which emergence of an indigenous gun culture among communities within modern Botswana which was a determining factor in territory separate colonial
  • Praise poetry from the period further serves to underscore the fact that the story of guns has been as much about their quality as quantity. The Bangwato Kgosi Khama III is remembered as the hero who does not sit by the fire, who when the tribes came together, came together and went to fetch wood, remained behind and examined the rifles; he picked out those for shooting far, he picked out carbines and breechloaders. 1
    • asanda
       
      this one is unexpected that the story of guns has been as much about their quality as quantity
  • In July 1876, just a decade after their battlefield superiority over muzzleloaders was demonstrated at the Battle of Koniggratz, the acquisition of breechloaders by Khama’s mentor, Sechele, is credited with enabling the Bakwena to gain the upper hand in a firefight on the outskirts of Molepolole against Linchwe’s Bakgatla bagaKgafela. 13 Thereafter, possession of breechloaders was a common and critical factor in subsequent Batswana martial success. Among Linchwe’s praise poems one thus finds reference to his subsequent use of Martini rifles against the Boers. 14 Batswana were also quick to incorporate gun wielding cavalry into their military formations and tactics. 15 Horsemen armed with breechloaders played a decisive role in what is believed to have been the most sanguinary of Botswana’s many nineteenth-century fire-fights, the 1884 engagement at Khutiyabasadi, where Batawana and Wayeyi slaughtered over 1,500 Amandebele invaders. 1
    • asanda
       
      this is confusing because i don't understand why did the other places get in a battle and it was so much wars between places
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  • The military and consequent political significance of firearms to the evolution of nineteenth-century Botswana is paralleled by the social and environmental impact of their use in hunting. The acquisition of guns was both a cause and consequence of a surge in the region’s hunting trade from the 1840s; involving the export of ivory, karosses and ostrich feathers from hunting grounds largely falling under the effective control of the Dikgosi of Kweneng, Gammangwato, Gangewaketse and Gatawana. 17 Besides leading to a rapid decline in wildlife, and consequent expansion of arable and pastoral lands, hunting with guns reinforced social stratification in many areas. This is exemplified by patterns of subordination and servitude in the Kgalagadi between Batswana notables and Bakgalagari and Basarwa or Khoe/San communities. 18 By the late nineteenth century regimental expectations of gun ownership, coupled with a relative decline in commercial hunting, was a material factor that drove men to seek employment at the Kimberley and Gauteng mines. Like other groups in the region from an early date Batswana were able to produce their own gunpowder as well as shot. 19 Also as elsewhere on the continent, smoothbore muskets could often be serviced by local blacksmiths, an indigenous capacity that in some areas survived until relatively recent times. 20 Besides munitions evidence, there are other material manifestations of transformation connected to the spread of guns and associated technology. In 1845 the hunter-trader Roualeyn Gordan Cumming observed, while visiting Sechele’s then centre at Tshonwane (Chonuane), that:
    • asanda
       
      this is the main idea because it talks about the trade of guns which led to the different wars
asanda

The Migrations of Yao and Kololo into Southern Malawi: Aspects of Migrations in Ninetee... - 4 views

  • Throughout their history, the Mang'anja were in contact with their neighbors, fighting or trading with them, and emigrating to or accepting immigrants from the surrounding, culturally related regions. This interaction was intensified in the nineteenth century as southern Malawi became the focus of numerous migrating groups, including Ngoni, Yao, Kololo and British settlers. It is with two of these groups, the Yao and Kololo, who established themselves as political authorities in southern Malawi in the 1860s and 1870s, that this paper is concerned. The quantity and quality of available evidence, both oral and written, makes it possible to examine these migrations in some detail. A closer look at certain aspects of these migrations; their composition, the factors which pushed and pulled the migrants, the impact of economic and political circumstances in the "host" region, and the factors which determined their ultimate success or failure, will produce a clearer picture of these migrations, and suggest some general observations about the process of migration in pre-colonial Africa.2
    • asanda
       
      this event is important because it tells us about conflict in southern AFRICA AFTER having guns. which lead them to began war with different countries which is the process of migration in pre-colonial africa.
  • attacked the Machinga Yao. At least some of these attacks were for the purpose of capturing slaves to sell at the coast for cloth. Being armed with guns, the invaders were able to defeat the Machinga, who fled into the territory of their neighbors, the Yao living around the Mangoche hills.4 Additional information concerning these events is provided by Yohanna B. Abdallah, who cites internecine warfare among the Makua brought on by famine as the cause of the attacks. In this version the defeated Makua fled, armed with guns, to invade Machinga Yao country, thus setting off the chain reaction in which group after group was dislodged and fled before invaders, in the process becoming invaders themselves.5 An alternative or supplementary explanation is offered by E.A. Alpers, who suggests that the growth of the slave trade at Mozambique and Ibo supports the theory that slave raiding by Makua in the Meto district may have played a part in these events.
    • asanda
       
      this one is unexpected because what have i notice is that i though their just having slave but know i see that they gain more power to take slave by being armed with guns. and their attacks was unexpected to other countries that didn't have guns. moreover their trade of slavery was unexpected to grow that high after other countries have guns
  • Success in the long run, however, depended not only on local conditions, but also on the attitudes and capabilities each of the migrant groups brought with it to this situation. Every group, like every individual, is molded by its past experience, and it is to some extent a matter of chance whether that experience proves functional or otherwise in a given situation. For the Yao and the Kololo, past experience proved to be a useful guide for future success in the unsettled conditions of southern Malawi in the 1860s and 1870s. The Kololo, coming from a recently organized conquest state, carried with them knowledge of the practices of successful conquerors, while the Yao were able to draw on a long history of contact with the people of the region, and both groups were able, using previously acquired skills and knowledge, to take advantage of the economic opportunities which this region offered.
    • asanda
       
      this is mean ending conflict of guns in Southern AFRICA course it tell us that places in southern Africa were able to make growth in their economic because of guns and trading they were making
ntlhari2001

SECONDARY SOURCE - 1 views

shared by ntlhari2001 on 22 Apr 23 - No Cached
  • becom
  • s clear that the Zulu view of the war was very different from the English or European view, not so much as to detail but as to ment
  • From the Zulu point of view it seems that the War was not only somewhat insignificant, it was also somewhat irrational.
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  • iew it seems that the War was not only somewhat insignificant, it was also somew
  • g, it was not altogether unexpected (there were ominous clouds), it was destruct
  • be suddenly and unexpectedly attacked. It seems that the white people had in mind the bad deeds of Dingane, but Cetshwayo was a man of good character (umuntu olungile) who would never have committed acts like those of Dingane. He strongly criticised (sola) such acts and abhorred
    • ntlhari2001
       
      in this point we can learn that the reason why the british people decided to bring war in the zululand was because they wanted to destroy the poor leadership under the leadership of dingane.
    • ntlhari2001
       
      cetshwayo was called for a diplomatic courtesies where he told the people he was that he wants his son to take over as the ruler of the zulu land as other leaders such as shaka zulu and dingane have also decided whom they wanted to take over as kings after their death or retirement.
    • ntlhari2001
       
      this point is kind of intresting because the zulu people knew that ther will be war in their land that will be caused by the british, it seems as the war came when they did not expected it and this led to the loss of properties in zululand.
    • ntlhari2001
       
      Zulu and british people had diffrent understanding or view when it came to war. the war had affected the zulu people more ,entally than it had affected the british people. this point shows that the zulu people are the one who had sufferd more mentally during the zulu war because the zulu people are the ones who had envaded their kingdom and created a war.
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    ZULU WAR
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