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Genifer Fraser

How To Paint A Better Portrait Of HBCUs | AAUP - 0 views

www.aaup.org/...ow-paint-better-portrait-hbcus

portrait colleges black

shared by Genifer Fraser on 27 Sep 13 - No Cached
  • “When segregation was legal, black colleges were responsible for almost all black collegians. Today, nearly 90 percent of black students spurn such schools, and the available evidence shows that, in the main, these students are better off exercising their non-HBCU options.” U
Kori Johnson

Eating disorders in elite female distance runners: Effects of nationality and running e... - 1 views

www.sciencedirect.com/...S1469029206000653

shared by Kori Johnson on 29 Sep 13 - No Cached
  • These women reported key behaviors such as binge eating but as a group had started dieting on average 2 years later than their UK counterparts. Even in this rural part of Kenya, there was evidence that young women were aspiring to a more ‘Western’ physique and showing dissatisfaction with their shape and weight.
Kori Johnson

Expanding understandings of the body, food and exercise relationship in distance runner... - 0 views

www.sciencedirect.com/...S1469029212000362

shared by Kori Johnson on 29 Sep 13 - No Cached
  • First, research demonstrates that distance runners have a heightened awareness and preoccupation with their bodies (Abbas, 2004; Bridel & Rail, 2007) and are at an increased risk of disordered eating development
  • Additionally, despite distance running being red-flagged as an activity that poses a greater risk to disordered eating development, no research to date has looked at how distance runners narratively construct meaning around their bodies, food and exercise from the cultural studies and social constructionist perspective outlined by
  • While these thoughts and behaviors could fall under the definition of disordered eating (see Papathomas & Lavallee, 2006), these runners did not experience or describe their experiences in this way. Instead, they engaged in what we termed a dismissive narrative practice. Immediately following any story in which they discussed food, body/weight preoccupation or body-altering behaviors, the men would dismiss what they had just said or provide an excuse for these thoughts or behaviors.
  • ...3 more annotations...
  • female runners normalized their body thoughts and behaviors (Gill, 2008) just as the male runners did by using a dismissive narrative.
  • By positioning others within an abnormal and disordered discourse the women constructed the type of runner they were and wanted to be– one who is “normal” and “healthy.”
  • I know this girl who is an elite athlete… and it's just way too much for me. Just what she does… like she never goes out with friends. Every night she's training or doing something and she has zero personality and just doesn't eat anything enjoyable. She has oatmeal for dinner every single night. It's very habitual. I just couldn't do it; I don't want to
Kori Johnson

The impact of a long training run on muscle damage and running economy in runners train... - 0 views

www.sciencedirect.com/...S1728869X12000354

shared by Kori Johnson on 29 Sep 13 - No Cached
  • Essentially, RE is the “aerobic demand” of a pace and is defined as the steady-state oxygen uptake (VO2) related to that velocity
  • The majority of these programs include regular long-duration training runs (LTRs; 20–45 km) that are often followed closely by higher intensity workout days
  • Participants ran a submaximal, 26-km run on a marked road course before undergoing follow-up assessments 24, 48, and 72 hours postrun
  • ...4 more annotations...
  • Fluctuations in a training regimen, such as abrupt increases in running intensity or duration, have been associated with changes in RE
  • Muscle soreness was assessed on a scale of 1 (no soreness) to 10 (extreme soreness) in an effort to indirectly indicate and assess the severity of muscle damage, and this scale has been used successfully by others.21 and 22 Muscle soreness showed no significant changes throughout the period of data collection.
  • Further, it has been postulated that eccentric downhill running chiefly damages type II anaerobic fibers, meaning essentially that the type I aerobic fibers that play a greater role in determining the RE of an individual were not as damaged as they were thought to be
  • Therefore, it can be argued that a long duration run performed at a submaximal intensity (<85% of HRmax) had no significant effect on the aerobic demand of submaximal running during the days immediately following the run
Kori Johnson

Potential Adverse Cardiovascular Effects From Excessive Endurance Exercise - 0 views

www.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/...PMC3538475

shared by Kori Johnson on 29 Sep 13 - No Cached
  • Sudden cardiac death (SCD) among marathoners is very rare, with 1 event per 100,000 participants
  • The fatality rate for triathlons is approximately twice that of marathons, largely because of increased CV events and drownings during the swim portion of the races.
  • It is extremely important to keep in mind that the occurrence of SCD during marathons, triathlons, and collegiate athletic events is rare and should not deter individuals from participating in vigorous ET; the benefits of regular PA to the individual and to society as a whole far outweigh potential risks.
  • ...2 more annotations...
  • The causes of SCD during or after extreme exertion in individuals younger than 30 years most commonly include genetic causes such as hypertrophic cardiomyopathy, anomalous coronary arteries, dilated cardiomyopathy, and congenital long QT syndrome
  • Similarly, a 15-year observational study of 52,000 adults found that runners had a 19% lower risk of all-cause mortality compared with nonrunners, with U-shaped mortality curves for distance, speed, and frequency. Running distances of about 1 to 20 miles per week, speeds of 6 to 7 miles per hour, and frequencies of 2 to 5 days per week were associated with lower all-cause mortality, whereas higher mileage, faster paces, and more frequent runs were not associated with better survival
Ashlyn Hummer

Power priming and abstract information processing. - 0 views

psycnet.apa.org/...578.html

power information processing

shared by Ashlyn Hummer on 27 Sep 13 - No Cached
  • Elevated power increases the psychological distance one feels from others, and this distance, according to construal level theory
  • should lead to more abstract information processing. Thus, high power should be associated with more abstract thinking—focusing on primary aspects of stimuli and detecting patterns and structure to extract the gist, as well as categorizing stimuli at a higher level—relative to low power.
  • One afternoon over coffee, a friend of the first author related her mixed feelings about her new job.
Ashlyn Hummer

How Power Influences Moral Thinking - 0 views

psycnet.apa.org/...279.html

power moral-thinking influence

shared by Ashlyn Hummer on 27 Sep 13 - No Cached
  • Our prediction on this effect of power is based on the idea that stability is appealing for high-power people, because their high-power position allows them control of resources, own and others’ (Emerson, 1962; Fiske, 1993; Galinsky et al., 2003; Thibaut & Kelley, 1959).
  • in determining whether an act is right or wrong, the powerful focus on whether rules and principles are violated, whereas the powerless focus on the consequences.
  • test the idea that both thinking about and having power affects the way in which people resolve moral dilemmas.
  • ...9 more annotations...
  • one (you)
  • We explained our findings by noting that rule-based thinking is attractive to the powerful because stability is in their interest and is therefore cognitively appealing.
  • when rules go against their interest, this effect of power is broken.
  • he authors conducted 5 studies to test the idea that both thinking about and having power affects the way in which people resolve moral dilemmas
  • the powerful are also more inclined to stick to the rules, irrespective of whether this has positive or negative effects, whereas the powerless are more inclined to make exceptions.
  • The 5th experiment demonstrates the role of self-interest by showing that the power–moral link is reversed when rule-based decisions threaten participants’ own self-interests.
  • A problem with using such dilemmas, however, is that it is less clear whether effects are actually due to differences in moral thinking styles. They might also be due to the direct influence of power on participants’ preferences for a certain outcome.
  • The authors conducted 5 studies to test the idea that both thinking about and having power affects the way in which people resolve moral dilemmas.
  • When a rule-based moral decision goes against the interest of the participant, high power no longer leads to rule-based moral decisions.
Laura Quiroga

Diagnosis of holocaust survivors and thier children: First published in the Israel Jour... - 0 views

peterfelix.tripod.com/...Dia.pdf

ptsd psychology identity holocaust

shared by Laura Quiroga on 27 Sep 13 - No Cached
  • The Second Generation Syndrome
  • while most offspring of Holocaust survivors are essentially healthy and well-functioning individuals, those who do suffer from mental ailments present a pattern of distinct intrapsychic difficulties that may be observed in the following areas:
  • Self.
  • ...41 more annotations...
  • Cognition.
  • Affectivity.
  • Interpersonal functioning.
  • On the one hand, there are those who suffer from anxiety related to various neurotic conflicts and especially identity problems. On the other hand are those who may be characterized as personality disorders because of their impaired social and occupational functioning.
  • oth groups seem to suffer from inflexible and maladaptive patterns of perceiving, relating to, and thinking about the environment and about themselves
  • Survivors of the Holocaust and their children have tended not to be given formal diagnoses by their therapists.
  • large number of Holocaust survivors are haunted by their past experiences and suffer from periods of depression, anxieties and psychosomatic symptoms which impair their daily functioning.
  • large proportion of survivors and their offspring acknowledge their Holocaust-related anguish, and seek professional help
  • others deny feeling distressed or live with their mental suffering without seeking help.
  • both groups of clinical populations tend to resist labels that delineate their ailments in terms of psychiatric disorders.
  • Whi1e it may be useful in other mental health settings, such clinicians feel that a disease-oriented system is inadequate within the social, cultural and psychological frameworks of such treatments
  • They say that diagnoses (1) do not fit, (2) underestimate the unique nature of each Holocaust survivor, (3) stigmatize already disempowered people, (4) blame victims for their suffering, (5) create distance between therapist and patient, and (6) neglect the adaptive and successful coping abilities of the survivors and their families.
  • ncorrectly describe the experiences of Holocaust survivors.
  • The persistent anxiety, phobias and panic of survivors are not the same as ordinary anxiety disorders. The somatic symptoms of survivors are not the same as ordinary psychosomatic disorders.
  • Their depression is not the same as ordinary depression, and the degradation of their identity and relational life is not the same as ordinary personality disorder
  • pain of loss and bereavement, the cruelty of war and persecution, survivor guilt, separation-anxiety and the painful memories of ghettos, freight trains, concentration camps, death marches and entire families lost forever
  • opposing the use of diagnoses of Holocaust survivors is that all diagnoses involve some amount of comparison with survivors of other kinds of trauma and generalization to commonly experienced stress responses.
  • Holocaust survivor demands to be acknowledged as a unique person with individual memories and emotions, any comparison with other survivors and victims of, for example, wars, earthquakes or sexual abuse make them fee] greatly offended and largely misunderstood.
  • dehumanizing ideology underlying psychiatric formulations. From this point of view, the diagnosis may be "socially regressive and discriminatory in impact, since it would be used to stigmatize disempowered people"
  • anti-Semitism, Nazi persecution, camp selections and the efforts of perpetrators to dehumanize the Jews through negative labeling.
  • Furthermore, as psychiatric diagnoses are products of social forces that operate upon people in a self-fulfil1ing manner, people who are treated as if they were mentally ill become more ill and later permanently adopt the role of disturbed.
  • diagnoses naturally focus on the psychopathology of the victim, rather than on the evil nature of the perpetrator. Such "displacement" of responsibility prolongs victimization by blaming the victim tacitly for responding in an inadequate emotional manner
  • the "objectification" involved in labeling would distance them from their patients. For therapists who are themselves survivors of abuse or who identify with survivors, diagnoses would reinforce treating the patient as an object,
  • the protest against diagnosing Holocaust survivors is not mere1y a dissatisfaction with existing labels or even a human protest against objectifying people. It is a rejection of any reification, a protest against viewing Holocaust survivors in terms of their psychopathology, rather than in light of their extraordinary ability to cope and their successful achievements after the war.
  • survivors and their families have shown an unusual degree of psychic strength and resilience in overcoming the effects of their traumatic experiences and multiple losses
  • an abnormal reaction to an abnormal situation is normal behavior
  • A complete abandonment, however, of all diagnostic evaluations might have substantive negative consequences. For example, without some differentiation of the people who apply for help, even the most basic conc1usions of when and with whom to do what would be impossible.
  • Some diagnostic assessment and/or psychosocial evaluation is therefore imperative for the proper treatment of Holocaust survivors and their children, both for clinical convenience and for research purposes
  • DSM-IV as a diagnostic, prognostic and screening device because, while there might be various inherent problems in the DSM-IV, (14, 15), and though it might be less culturally sensitive than the lCD-l0 (16), "it is the most thorough and empirically well-supported book on the classification of mental disorders now available"
  • , their varying vulnerability and resilience to stress are perhaps the most striking in rendering them more or less susceptible to mental ailments.
  • Age differences during the war, differences in occupation, cultural and religious background, immigration effects and pre-Holocaust personality traits
  • children of survivors, to whom the Holocaust trauma was transmitted, are also a highly heterogeneous group, differing for example in the kinds of parenting they received, in the sort of family environment in which they grew up and in the sort of communication about the Holocaust they absorbed, beyond the obvious differences in their survivor parents described above.
  • there are striking similarities across the clinical populations who apply for help.
  • People who have experienced severe trauma seem to present similar clusters of symptoms that occur simultaneously under specific conditions, with a common cause
  • Chronic Post-Traumatic Stress Disorder, " with depression as a frequent associated feature
  • survivors of prolonged abuse develop characteristic personality changes, including a1terations in affect regulation, consciousness, self-perception, perception of the perpetrator, relations with others and alterations in systems of meaning"
  • Survivors of the Holocaust who were less than 16 years old when the war ended usually present a somewhat different clinical picture from their older brothers and sisters.
  • These were severely traumatized children who survived in hiding or in very difficult circumstances, sometimes with changed identities and in total isolation from their families of origin (
  • in order to survive mentally, including dissociation, psychic numbing and denial (
  • Some are obsessively preoccupied with the untouchable memories of the past, while others have avoided them total1y.
  • When they are cal1ed upon to cope with recurrent situations of stress, they tend to re-experience the painful moments of separation and loss from the past and then suffer from periods of behavioral dysfunction and increased anxiety and depression
  • Laura Quiroga on 27 Sep 13
     
    Survivors of holocaust and their children tended not to receive their rightful formal diagnoses by the psychotherapists, mostly due to the fact that the situations the survivors were in were too inappropriate to focus on and far too traumatizing to re-visit. Most survivors tend to be diagnosed with ptsd, while their children suffer from personality disorders, as well as identity problems.
Laura Quiroga

Response Variation following Trauma: A Translational Neuroscience Approach to Understan... - 0 views

www.sciencedirect.com/...S0896627307007040

ptsd neuroscience hippocampus

shared by Laura Quiroga on 16 Oct 13 - No Cached
  • Hyperarousal symptoms reflect more overt physiological manifestations, such as insomnia, irritability, impaired concentration, hypervigilance, and increased startle responses.
  • The hippocampus was examined as a region of central importance in PTSD due to its prominent role in both the neuroendocrine stress response and memory alterations
  • similar to those that have been observed in PTSD
  • ...15 more annotations...
  • If the release of cortisol facilitates the containment of the SNS response to stress, reduced cortisol signaling could impede the reinstatement of physiologic homeostasis. Because the release of adrenaline facilitates consolidation of the threat memory (McGaugh and Roozendaal, 2002), failure to contain the SNS response might lead to more strongly encoded, hence more subjectively distressing, memories of the event.
  • include event characteristics (e.g., severity of trauma) and individual differences (e.g., preexisting traits, pre- or posttraumatic life events)
  • These and related physiological adjustments of autonomic nervous system (ANS) end organs (i.e., changes in heart rate, blood pressure, respiration, skin conductance) represent adaptive responses, as they help the body accommodate to an immediate demand.
  • exposures and PTSD may reflect demographic, socioeconomic, or even genetic predictors of event exposure.
  • Even factors associated with stable preexposure heritable parental characteristics may increase risk for PTSD by increasing exposure to neglect or abuse
  • Approximately 6.8% of persons in the United States develop PTSD at some time in their lives (Kessler et al., 2005), yet estimates of the prevalence of trauma exposure suggests that more than 75% are exposed to at least one traumatic event (Breslau and Kessler, 2001). Experiences that most often give rise to PTSD include rape, assault, and combat, whereas natural disasters or man-made accidents result in PTSD far less frequently.
  • Other risk factors for PTSD include a family history of psychopathology, cognitive factors (such as lower IQ), childhood adversity, preexisting avoidant personality or behavioral problems, and poor social support
  • smaller hippocampal volume represented a preexisting marker of vulnerability to PTSD.
  • Smaller hippocampal volume is correlated with other constitutional factors, such as low IQ
  • When all PTSD subjects were compared to similarly exposed veterans without PTSD, no changes in hippocampal volume were observed in the PTSD group.
  • that have also been associated with increasing risk for the development of PTSD in combat veterans
  • but not necessarily in other traumatized groups. If so, this would explain why Holocaust survivors, who were certainly exposed to severe and chronic trauma but had different risk factors for their traumatic exposures, did not show smaller hippocampal volumes relative to nonexposed subjects (Golier et al., 2005).
  • PTSD might reflect a failure to recover from normal fear learning.
  • there was a general decline in cortisol levels in Holocaust survivors who maintained their diagnostic status or developed PTSD, but an increase in those who demonstrated remission. Cortisol levels at the initial assessment predicted remission or relapse, though they themselves showed change over time
  • Because normal aging is associated with hippocampal atrophy, it is possible that smaller hippocampal volumes in PTSD may be particularly evident at a time at which healthy subjects are not manifesting atrophy in this region.
Laura Quiroga

Vulnerability to post-traumatic stress disorder and psychological morbidity in aged hol... - 0 views

onlinelibrary.wiley.com/...pdf

vulnerability holocaust ptsd

shared by Laura Quiroga on 16 Oct 13 - No Cached
  • Laura Quiroga on 16 Oct 13
     
    Objective: Although high rates of post-traumatic stress disorder (PTSD) and psychological morbidity have been consistently reported in Holocaust survivors (HS), reports are inconsistent about which factors are associated with psychological morbidity. In a study of the oldest HS cohort yet reported, we aim to clarify why this variability exists by examining factors associated with PTSD and psychological morbidity, including for the first time measures of personality and defense mechanisms. Methods: One hundred HS randomly selected from a convenience sample of 309 respondents to a survey of Jewish persons aged 60 years and older living in the community in Sydney were assessed using the following instruments: demographics, severity of trauma experienced, General Health Questionnaire (GHQ-28), PTSD diagnosis (DSM-IV), Brief Psychiatric Rating Scale, Impact of Events Scale, Defense Style Questionnaire, modified Eysenck Personality Inventory. Results: Older age, experience of more severe trauma, use of immature defense mechanisms and higher neuroticism were associated with significant PTSD and psychological morbidity; severity of trauma was associated with PTSD and with more severe psychological morbidity. Conclusions: A profile of survivors at-risk can be identified that may have application to survivors of more recent holocausts. Late life may be a period of vulnerability in the aftermath of severe trauma.
Laura Quiroga

Many Factors Influence PTSD Development : Clinical Psychiatry News - 0 views

www.clinicalpsychiatrynews.com/...c5d909ecce.html

ptsd psychology trauma-transfer

shared by Laura Quiroga on 16 Oct 13 - No Cached
  • PTSD can result after a traumatic event–such as a natural disaster, rape, or personal assault–or military combat. Clinically, PTSD can manifest as haunting memories of the traumatic event and the experiencing of physiologic responses associated with memories of the event, said Dr. Yehuda, who has conducted extensive research on Holocaust survivors and their offspring.
  • What has become clear is that most people who are exposed to trauma do not develop this disorder, she noted; “PTSD does occur frequently, but it is more likely not to occur, no matter what traumatic event we are talking about.
  • Dr. Yehuda also pointed out that trauma can cause symptoms in offspring, even though the trauma is experienced vicariously, as in the case of offspring of Holocaust survivors.Vulnerability to stress can be biologically transmitted, either through genetic susceptibility or possibly by epigenetic transmission.
  • ...3 more annotations...
  • Low cortisol levels are associated with PTSD. As might be expected, cortisol levels have been shown to be low in high-risk PTSD subjects immediately after trauma, or in those who actually develop PTSD at follow-up, Dr. Yehuda said.
  • cortisol levels were significantly lower in the offspring of Holocaust survivors who had PTSD, compared with those whose parents did not have PTSD.
  • Follow-up studies have shown that maternal, not paternal PTSD, is relevant to cortisol effects in the offspring.
  • Laura Quiroga on 16 Oct 13
     
    factors that influence ptsd: genetic or heritable, factors associated with personal experiences
Ashlyn Hummer

The Dominance Behavioral System and Psychopathology - 0 views

psycnet.apa.org/...692.html

dominance behavior motivation

shared by Ashlyn Hummer on 27 Sep 13 - No Cached
  • The dominance behavioral system (DBS) can be conceptualized as a biologically based system that guides dominance motivation, dominant and subordinate behavior, and responsivity to perceptions of power and subordination.
  • The dominance behavioral system (DBS) can be conceptualized as a biologically based system that guides dominance motivation, dominant and subordinate behavior, and responsivity to perceptions of power and subordination.
  • Extensive research suggests that externalizing disorders, mania proneness, and narcissistic traits are related to heightened dominance motivation and behaviors.
  • ...5 more annotations...
  • Implications of using the DBS as a tool in clinical assessment and treatment are discussed.
  • This article reviews evidence that the dominance behavioral system (DBS) is related to psychopathology
  • We have reviewed evidence that the DBS is related to a range of psychological and social outcomes, including emotions, sensitivity to threats and rewards, self-esteem, risk-taking behavior, and interpersonal sensitivity and functioning.
  • The dominance behavioral system (DBS) can be conceptualized as a biologically based system that guides dominance motivation, dominant and subordinate behavior, and responsivity to perceptions of power and subordination.
  • The pursuit of power begins with monitoring cues in the social environment that pose opportunities or threats to the goal of power.
Laura Quiroga

Microsoft Word - 491_Transmission of Holocaust Trauma.rtf - kellermann.pdf - 0 views

www.yadvashem.org/...kellermann.pdf

ptsd psychology holocaust

shared by Laura Quiroga on 16 Oct 13 - No Cached
  • Laura Quiroga on 16 Oct 13
     
    transmission of holocaust trauma -- parents to child: (1) self, (2) cognition, (3) affectivity, (4) interpersonal functioning
Tatum Berry

Researching "Black" Educational Experiences and Outcomes: Theoretical and Methodologica... - 0 views

edr.sagepub.com/...541.full

education experience race

shared by Tatum Berry on 28 Sep 13 - No Cached
  • why Black students are underperforming in school.
  • ducational experiences and outcomes of Blacks differ from those of other racial groups—particularly Whites—the concept of race is regularly invoked.
  • norms and beliefs that governed the life of the poor, who were disproportionately Black, as contrasted with the middle class, who were imagined as White
  • ...1 more annotation...
  • What was once a statistical correlation is now conceived as a trait embodied in a coherent “Black” community.
Tatum Berry

Through a Glass Darkly - 0 views

edr.sagepub.com/...115.full

race education research

shared by Tatum Berry on 28 Sep 13 - No Cached
  • Eugenics is the study of the agencies under social control that seek to improve or impair the racial qualities of future generations either physically or mentally
  • ace delimited her world and her possibilities and how her racial identification underscores the way “research” functions to serve ongoing narratives of superiority/inferiority, citizen/alien, intelligent/unintelligent, and human/inhuman for example.
  • education and race—in this case, literacy and race—have been intricately linked for centuri
  • ...8 more annotations...
  • popular beliefs regarding genetic inferiority attached to race and ethnicity
  • Children of this group should be segregated into separate classes.
  • “race has always been a significant sociological theme, from the founding of the field and the formulation of the ‘classical’ theoretical statements to the present.”
  • otion of racial biologism to assert strongly that race was socially constructed.
  • Race as a worldview conceives of human populations as inherently unequal and according t
  • was deeply disturbed by the way race was dealt with in my graduate studies. The research was quick to establish categories like race, class, and gender as logical ways to consider human variation and to promote notions of superiority and inferiority within those categorical boundaries. I also found it puzzling that so many education research findings and innovations were linked to race without clear attribution of how race helped move and develop the field.
  • n the National Assessment of Educational Progress citizenship objectives test declared that they were poorer citizens than their White counterparts. I found this characterization hyperbolic given the long history of African Americans’ dedication to the nation from fighting in every war since the American Revolution to literally dying for the franchise.
  • he first roadblock I encountered was that almost all of the education research literature on African American students was organized around failure.
Aylisia Belgrove

Mass media as a sexual super peer for early maturing girls - 1 views

www.sciencedirect.com/...S1054139X04002654

children psychology media

shared by Aylisia Belgrove on 06 Oct 13 - No Cached
  • Girls and boys in many countries in the world today are reaching sexual maturity earlier than they ever have.
  • Because girls, on average, mature earlier than boys, the psychosocial implications of earlier maturation for girls have been of particular interest.
  • Another possible mechanism may be the mass media that serve, as some have suggested, as a kind of “super peer”
  • ...4 more annotations...
  • It may be that girls who are maturing earlier than their age-mates turn to the media as a source of information and models about sexuality that is unavailable in their peer group. In this way the media may serve as a kind of substitute sexual peer. The media certainly are an accessible source for most American adolescents. Recent national surveys show that 8- to 18-year-olds spend from 6 to 9 hours a day with some form of mass media (recorded music, television, movies, magazines, newspapers, and Internet sites).
  • The most recent study of sexual content on television, for example, found that two-thirds of all shows included sexual content (all shows except news, sports, and children’s programming shown between 7 a.m. and 11 p.m. on 10 networks in 2001–2002 were coded).
  • In the top 20 shows among teen viewers, 8 in 10 episodes included some sexual content, including 1 in 10 that depicted or implied sexual intercourse; only 15% of the shows with sexual content included any reference to safer sex issues, such as waiting to have sex, contraceptives, or the consequences of having sex [29].
  • Earlier maturing girls reported more interest than later maturing girls in seeing sexual content in movies, television, and magazines, and in listening to sexual content in music, regardless of age or race.
Aylisia Belgrove

Children, adolescents, and the media - 0 views

www.sciencedirect.com/...S1538544203001652

adolescents music media children

shared by Aylisia Belgrove on 28 Sep 13 - No Cached
  • Because media influences are subtle, cumulative, and occur over a long period of time, parents, pediatricians, and educators may not be aware of their impact.
  • Movies, television, music videos, and video games all represent a kind of “super-peer” and exert a subtle (or sometimes not-so-subtle) pressure on teenagers to have sex. Mainstream media depict teenage sexual behaviors as being normative behavior, which is one of the most powerful justifications that teenagers have for engaging in risky activities.
  • Apart from sexual intercourse, the media also provide a variety of answers to common adolescent questions about sexual socialization97: When is it okay to have sex? With whom? Is birth control necessary, or is it dangerous? Is it okay to have feelings for someone of the same sex?
  • ...6 more annotations...
  • Since the 1980s, virtually every R-rated teen movie has contained at least one nude scene, and some, such as Fast Times at Ridgemont High and Porky's (which is currently being remade), contain up to 15 instances of sexual intercourse.
  • Adolescent girls, in particular, may use music videos to come to grips with their own sexual identity.114 Of course, MTV has evolved to the point now where music videos represent a minority of its programming. Early content analyses showed that music videos were rife with sex: More than 75% contained sexual scenes, and half of all women were presented as sex objects.
  • In terms of sexual content, MTV videos have now been surpassed by Black Entertainment Television (BET) videos, which feature more rap and hip-hop artists.
  • Increase media education for parents and pediatricians.
  • Increase media education for children and adolescents. A century ago, to be “literate” meant being able to read and write.
  • Fund and conduct more research.
Megan Adair

The `Latte Revolution'? Regulation, Markets and Consumption in the Global Coffee Chain - 0 views

www.sciencedirect.com/...S0305750X02000323

revolution regulation markets consumption coffee

shared by Megan Adair on 26 Sep 13 - No Cached
  • global coffee chain has changed dramatically as a result of deregulation, new consumption patterns, and evolving corporate strategies.
  • Coffee is a truly global commodity and a major foreign exchange earner in many developing countries. The
    • Megan Adair
      Megan Adair on 26 Sep 13
       
      coffee consumption has changed many things, but has also been changed itself
  • ...50 more annotations...
  • Every day, about 2.25 billion cups of coffee are consumed in the world
    • Megan Adair
      Megan Adair on 26 Sep 13
       
      useful for history behind coffee and context
  • New consumption patterns have emerged with the growing importance of specialty, fair trade, and organic coffees.
    • Megan Adair
      Megan Adair on 26 Sep 13
       
      fair trade has changed the consumption of coffee
  • Coffee bar chains sell an ambience and a social positioning more than just “good” coffee. In short, the global coffee chain has gone through a “latte revolution,”2 where consumers can choose from (and pay dearly for) hundreds of combinations of coffee variety, origin, brewing and grinding methods, flavoring, packaging, social “content,” and ambience.
  • At the same time, international prices for the raw product (“green” coffee) are the lowest in decades
    • Megan Adair
      Megan Adair on 26 Sep 13
       
      Explains the socioeconomic and how the two tie in together and influence the social aspects of coffee consumption 
  • consequences of the shift that has occurred in the last two decades in the regulatory framework at the international level––with the end of the quota system managed by the International Coffee Organization (ICO).
  • Therefore, we can see a commodity chain as “a set of interorganizational networks clustered around one commodity or product” (Gereffi et al., 1994, p. 3), in which networks are situationally specific, socially constructed, and locally integrated.
  • The analysis of the coffee-marketing chain is particularly important in understanding the political economy of development for a variety of reasons. First, over 90% of coffee production takes place in developing countries, while consumption happens mainly in industrialized economies.6 Therefore, the production–consumption pattern provides insights on North–South relations. Second, for most of the post-WWII period coffee has been the second most valuable traded commodity after oil.7
  • Coffee is a source of livelihoods for millions of smallholders and farm workers worldwide.8 Fifth, producing country governments have historically treated coffee as a “strategic” commodity; they have either directly controlled domestic marketing and quality control operations or have strictly regulated them––at least until market liberalization took place in the 1980s and 1990s.
  • Coffee goes a long way and changes many hands from bean to cup (see Figure 1). Historically, Brazil and Colombia have been top world coffee producers.
  • The US and UK markets prefer lighter roasts in general, but require a wide spectrum of qualities
    • Megan Adair
      Megan Adair on 26 Sep 13
       
      This shows how the economics behind coffee drives this social practice and how it can change identity of an entire country.
  • Two sets of international coffee prices are available: (a) ICO-published prices: these are indicators of the physical trade, where each contract refers to a specific quality, origin, shipment, currency and destination; and (b) prices determined by futures markets: these are short-term syntheses of market fundamentals (production, consumption and stocks) and technical factors (hedging, trend following, reactions to trigger signals)
  • Another important feature of the coffee market is that consumption tends to increase as income rises, but levels off at the highest income levels. For this reason, the coffee market is considered “mature” due to the relatively stable and low level of growth of consumption–
  • Among consuming countries, Scandinavian countries (which have the highest level of consumption per capita in the world) and Germany prefer Mild Arabica coffees in their blends. Robusta coffee is a key component in espresso blends and darker roasts, therefore important in Southern Europe
    • Megan Adair
      Megan Adair on 26 Sep 13
       
      each place that is involved in coffee production/farming has adopted it's own identity for types of coffee in that region which then classifies the people who grow it socially 
  • Coffee was one of the first commodities for which control of world trade was attempted, starting in 1902 with the “valorization” process carried out by the Brazilian state of São Paulo. This process involved state action to raise the price of coffee, which was made possible at that time by the large share of production (between
  • The first international coffee agreement (ICA) was finally signed in 1962 and included most producing and consuming countries as signatories.
  • In the 1990s, lower coffee prices have also been accompanied by a higher level of price volatility.
  • Higher price volatility in the coffee market is not only linked to the end of price stabilization mechanisms that were built in the ICA quota system, but also to increased activity in the coffee futures market.
    • Megan Adair
      Megan Adair on 26 Sep 13
       
      society/ social forces are driving the coffee industry
  • In Section 4 I have argued that there has been a general shift of power from producing to consuming countries in the coffee-marketing chain following the end of the ICA regime.
  • Power relations between producers and buyers have also become more complex. Domestic market liberalization in producing countries entails that states as such cannot be considered “market units” anymore (Daviron, 1996). Grower organizations have not been able to substitute governments as organizers of coffee exports. “Local” exporters have not been able to raise necessary funds to compete with international traders, and have now either disappeared or allied themselves with international traders. The general trend has been a strengthening of the position of roasters visàvis other actors.
  • Globally, most coffee for in-home consumption is purchased in supermarkets. The food retail sector is highly concentrated in the United States, the United Kingdom and Northern Europe and plays a dominant role in the food marketing chain
  • roasters have managed to keep control of the coffee chain
  • Does this mean that roasters will continue to dominate the coffee chain in the future?
  • coffee roasters had to move away from a focus on quality and locality. They started to concentrate on consistency in price, packaging and flavor. As a result, roasters homogenized blends
  • They started to use cheaper beans and cut down roasting times to reduce weight loss and mask the poor quality of the beans.
  • Accompanying the growth in café chains, there has also been an explosive increase in the number of roasters in the United States, although the smallest 1,900 roasters still control only 20% of the domestic market. As recently as 1987, the three major roasting companies in the United States held almost 90% of the retail market. By 1993 they had lost 12% of the market share to Starbucks, other regional cafés and specialty roasters (Dicum & Luttinger, 1999). Specialty coffee consumption is growing rapidly in “traditional”
  • Americans drinking specialty coffees on a daily basis grew from 20 to 27 million in 2001, up from only seven million in 1997 (Financial Times, April 27, 2001).
    • Megan Adair
      Megan Adair on 26 Sep 13
       
      Important facts
  • Starbucks, on its side, has adopted fairly mainstream corporate strategies
    • Megan Adair
      Megan Adair on 26 Sep 13
       
      sociallllll
  • It has acquired competing chains, and has opened outlets in neighborhoods with traditional cafés to drive them out of business
  • Starbucks has in many ways become
    • Megan Adair
      Megan Adair on 26 Sep 13
       
      Coffee shops have even developed their own identities
  • the opposite of what independent coffee houses perceive themselves to be
  • Even if the “latte revolution” and initiatives aimed at “cultivating” consumers worked in permanently fragmenting and upgrading coffee consumption, the developmental impact in producing countries will not appear unless donors, the ICO, NGOs and producing country governments ensure that value added is transferred to producers.
  • suggest that a fragmentation of the market is taking place. The emergence of new consumption patterns, with the growing importance of “conscious” consumption,24 single origin coffees, the proliferation of café chains and specialty shops, and increasing out of home consumption poses new challenges to “traditional” roasters
    • Megan Adair
      Megan Adair on 28 Sep 13
       
      Shows how the brand/how they market the coffee holds a social aspect
  • he breakthrough that made Starbucks a stunning success was creating a café atmosphere where customers could hang out and consume an “experience” at a place that was neither home nor work. This happened at the same time as other consumer products moved from mass-production and marketing to being recast as more authentic, flavorful and healthy (micro-brewed beer, specialty breads, organic vegetables). By combining “ambience” consumption and the possibility for consumers to choose type, origin, roast, and grind, Starbucks managed to de-commoditize coffee. It sold coffee “pre-packaged with lifestyle signifiers” (Dicum & Luttinger, 1999, p. 153). By 1997, Starbucks was operating 2,000 outlets (mostly directly owned) in six countries. In 1998, it entered
    • Megan Adair
      Megan Adair on 28 Sep 13
       
      This really show sthat they are marketing people to get a personal, yet social, experience while drinking thir coffee. They market coffee as a social thing and that further drives coffee production etc etc
  • Americans drinking specialty coffees on a daily basis grew from 20 to 27 million in 2001, up from only seven million in 1997 (Financial Times, April 27, 2001).
  • They have put darker roasts in the market and created their own specialty brands, but consumer response has been poor so far
    • Megan Adair
      Megan Adair on 28 Sep 13
       
      Each has its own specific identity 
  • nd has opened outlets in neighborhoods with traditional cafés to drive them out of business (Wal–Mart style). It has also entered into joint marketing programs with other corporate giants
  • It is also not certain whether the specialty coffee industry holds much promise for coffee producers, who are facing the lowest prices for green coffee in decades. What difference does it make to a smallholder if a consumer can buy a “double tall decaf latte” for $4, or if specialty beans are sold at $12 per pound in the United States if he/she gets less than 50 cents for the same pound of coffee? Since the coffee content of new coffee consumption experiences is very low (see Fitter & Kaplinsky, 2001), the “latte revolution” may have more to do with milk (latte) than with coffee.
    • Megan Adair
      Megan Adair on 28 Sep 13
       
      possibly talk about how the social aspects behind coffee and how it has become this social trend and this norm in our society affects the overall production of coffee and the industry 
  • In the global coffee chain, the institutional framework has moved away from a formal and relatively stable system where producers had an established “voice” toward one that is more informal and buyer dominated. In the process, a substantial proportion of total income generated in the coffee chain has been transferred from farmers to consuming country operators. Furthermore, if roasters had provided stability to the ICA regime in their search for an optimum expansion of activities, they are now one of the destabilizing forces in the coffee market.
  • Fair trade operators pay a minimum floor price to registered producer organizations and cooperatives. They also offer financial and technical support. The relative success of fair trade in Europe in the 1990s has shown that some consumers are willing to pay a premium for coffee so that farmers receive a just payment for their effort. Other forms of conscious consumption are consumption of organic, shade-grown and bird-friendly coffees. The transition to organic farming is relatively easy in Robusta coffee cultivation, especially in Africa where chemical input use is low. Many producers are already growing organic coffee, but are being paid prices for nonorganic coffee. They lack information on certification processes and on how to approach certification agencies. The development of sun-resistant large-scale coffee plantations has led to the uprooting of trees and loss of biodiversity––except where coffee is cultivated in areas of natural savannah. These trees used to provide shade to coffee bushes and a natural habitat for birds in more “traditional” coffee farming systems. Again, smallholders cultivate coffee under shade trees already, but consumers are not paying a premium for it.
  • While the markets for “conscious” coffees are growing and constitute an important development channel, they are likely to remain niche markets in the near future.
  • Globally, most coffee for in-home consumption is purchased in supermarkets. The food retail sector is highly concentrated in the United States, the United Kingdom and Northern Europe and plays a dominant role in the food marketing chain (van Dijk et al., 1998).
  • The emergence of new consumption patterns, with the growing importance of “conscious” consumption,24 single origin coffees, the proliferation of café chains and specialty shops, and increasing out of home consumption poses new challenges to “traditional” roasters
  • the term covers basically all coffees that are not traditional industrial blends, either because of their high quality and/or limited availability on the producing side, or because of flavoring, packaging and/or “consumption experience” on the consumption side
  • The breakthrough that made Starbucks a stunning success was creating a café atmosphere where customers could hang out and consume an “experience” at a place that was neither home nor work.
  • By combining “ambience” consumption and the possibility for consumers to choose type, origin, roast, and grind, Starbucks managed to de-commoditize coffee.
  • Starbucks, on its side, has adopted fairly mainstream corporate strategies. It has acquired competing chains, and has opened outlets in neighborhoods with traditional cafés to drive them out of business (Wal–Mart style). It has also entered into joint marketing programs with other corporate giants (PepsiCo, Barnes & Noble, Capitol Records, United Airlines). By becoming another large corporation and by providing a homogenized retail experience with a consistent but not exceptionally good product, Starbucks has in many ways become the opposite of what independent coffee houses perceive themselves to be (Dicum &
  • adopted fairly mainstream corporate strategies.
Megan Adair

Barista rants about stupid customers at Starbucks: What imaginary conversations can tea... - 0 views

www.sciencedirect.com/...S0271530908000177

starbucks customers conversations rants

shared by Megan Adair on 26 Sep 13 - No Cached
  • baristas recount dialogs with ‘stupid’ customers as part of ‘rants’ or ‘vents’ about service work, we find that there is a common model of conversation widely shared by both members and analysts based on peer conversation, which serves as an implicit model for barista critique of service interactions and understanding barista rants about customers.
  • I am interested in why baristas imagine these conversations, what they use them for (other than entertainment, as with the anecdote one can ‘dine out’ on them, as most of them are quite funny), and whether these imagined secondary speech genres can tell us anything about the primary speech genre from which they derive. This primary genre, the ‘rant’ or ‘vent’, is one that has come into its own in the anonymous or pseudonymous discursive world of the internet, a genre that ‘vents’ opinions that perhaps have no other venue: they are hidden transcripts made visible.
    • Megan Adair
      Megan Adair on 26 Sep 13
       
      this is a social norm for baristas
  • ertainly, conversations with baristas at Starbucks are formidable for many. Formulating the order correctly, even if not asking for a chimerical non-fat coffee, can be daunting.3 Of course, any customer anywhere, when making a request, must do so in such a way that the referent (the good or service desired) is specifically and differentially picked out from all the other potential referents in the contextual field, a pragmatic problem of ‘successful reference’ (e.g. Lyons, 1977, p. 177). At Starbucks, however, the field of potential referents numbers into many thousands. A referring expression that would get one coffee at a restaurant will only identify the taxonomic field at Starbucks (compare Schegloff (1971) for a classic treatment of the same problem with respect to ‘formulating place’). At the same time, Starbucks drinks, affordable luxuries, are relatively prestigious quotidian commodities whose consumption confers prestige on the consumer (see Roseberry (1996) for a political economic backdrop to the emergence of ‘Yuppie coffee’)
    • Megan Adair
      Megan Adair on 26 Sep 13
       
      Starbucks has it's own label 
  • ...12 more annotations...
  • The problem with ordering Starbucks coffee is that the vocabulary of correct reference is enormous. The vocabulary field of affordable luxuries such as coffee has taken on some of the status-indexing qualities associated with the vocabulary field of pricier prestige commodities, like wine or olive oil ( Silverstein, 2003 and Silverstein, 2006; Meneley, 2007 and Heath and Meneley, 2007).
    • Megan Adair
      Megan Adair on 26 Sep 13
       
      more of a label 
  • This standardization strategy appropriates portions of the terminology of an antecedent coffee culture, refashioned as part of the Starbucks’ ‘brand’ of coffee reference (see Ellis (2005, pp. 253–258)). So what constitutes ‘proper reference’ at Starbucks is itself the product of a Starbucks’ brand strategy that both builds on existing Romance language lexicons of distinction involving coffee drinks (Italian, French and Spanish coffee terminology are redeployed [in that order] as part of a distinctive Starbucks’ register) and adds additional brand-specific ones (including using Romance language words as brand-specific names for sizes: ‘grande’ is the word for large, and the even larger 20oz is called ‘venti’). The resulting lexicon, represented in a widely disseminated Starbucks’ ‘how to order guide’ (Starbucks, 2003), runs to many pages.
    • Megan Adair
      Megan Adair on 26 Sep 13
       
      usefullllll red thisssss
  • From the perspective of the Starbucks’ brand strategy, standardizing the way baristas and customers refer to their beverages involves both a ‘stylistic’ discourse of distinction (associating the commodity with both brand-specific and more general registers of distinction) as well as a ‘technical’ discourse of efficiency. The standardization of barista-speak involves aspects of both branding and Taylorization, customer-oriented commoditization and employee-oriented streamlining of the labor process. To borrow from Deborah
    • Megan Adair
      Megan Adair on 26 Sep 13
       
      possible subclaim about the language and culture behind it that is social
  • barista-speak is non-evaluative and standardized.
  • he Starbucks ordering formula mirrors the process of production, the qualities of drinks are stated in the order required by production, not consumption. The syntax of winespeak is a diagrammatic icon of the process of consumption, while the syntax of barista-speak is an icon of production. Winespeak is evaluative and non-standardizable,
  • There’s no ‘right’ way to order at Starbucks. Just tell us what you want and we’ll give it to you.
  • But if we call your drink in a way that’s different from what you told us, we’re not correcting you. We’re just translating your order into ‘barista-speak’—a standard way our baristas call out orders. This language gives the baristas the info they need in the order they need it, so they can make your drink as quickly and efficiently as possible.
    • Megan Adair
      Megan Adair on 26 Sep 13
       
      the baristas and the customers have their own languages that come together to effect the society of coffee drinkers this is a social force etc etc
  • But anxious customers are probably right about one thing, that their fumbled orders will make them seem stupid. This brings me to the next question about imagined conversations at Starbucks: Why specifically is the best way to rant about a stupid customer at Starbucks simply to reproduce the conversation with that customer? It is surely important here that the kind of talk that is being imagined is a ‘service transaction’, a kind of talk that is imagined to be in certain ways different from ‘ordinary’ talk-in-interaction (Silverstein, 2003, p. 199). For example, in a service transaction there are technical goals that must be accomplished (orders must be made so that they can be filled) and at the same there are significant asymmetries between interactants (‘the customer is always right’).
  • ncluding Starbucks, as well as other non-localized ‘architectures of sociability’, such as the Interkom lines discussed by Barker. Finally, ‘ordinary talk between peers’ itself serves as a largely unanalyzed ground for the imaginative construction of idealized models of democratic procedure (‘dialog’), including presumably institutional ones (Remer).
  • the customer that there is no ‘right way to order at Starbucks’ (hence, no distinction between successful and correct reference).
  • Distinction is manufactured by the difference between connoisseur-like fluent control of ‘correct reference’ (‘half-caf-double-decaf-breve-affogato-no-cream’) and plebeian ‘successful reference
  • The arcana of the Starbucks ordering process is revealed to be not an invidious social discourse of distinction, but a technical craft knowledge related to industrial efficiency, used for efficient communication between fellow skilled workers
Megan Adair

An introduction to the coffee-house: A discursive model - 1 views

www.sciencedirect.com/...S0271530908000062

coffee house literary

shared by Megan Adair on 26 Sep 13 - No Cached
  • Coffee-houses in seventeenth-century London, from the first that opened there in 1652, were modelled on similar businesses in Ottoman territories. In London they encouraged an open form of public debate, much celebrated in contemporary literary writing and visual representations, and also in models of the public sphere in the twentieth century.
  • That coffee and conversation go together is now a commonplace that does not need repeating. Advertisements for coffee underline the associations coffee has with thinking and with talking: a coffee break allows you to step back from your work and reflect on your progress or the lack of it, or again, coffee provides the occasion for friends to gather and conversation to begin.
    • Megan Adair
      Megan Adair on 27 Sep 13
       
      Social and possible subclaim of language around coffee
  • Coffee-houses were unknown in Istanbul before the middle of the sixteenth century (Hattox, 1985). According to the Turkish historian Ibrahim-I Peçevi, who wrote in about 1635, the first coffee-house was opened by ‘two Men, nam’d Schems and Hekim, the one from Damascus, the other from Aleppo’ in the year 962 in the Islamic calendar (1554–1555), during the reign of Süleyman I (1520–1566). As translated by the
  • ...21 more annotations...
  • The first coffee-house in London opened just under a century later, in 1652, by a Greek Orthodox servant called Pasqua Rosee, in St Michael’s Alley, Cornhill, in the centre of the financial district of the City of London. It was sponsored by merchants from the Levant Company, the trading house that organised and regulated trade with the Ottoman Empire. These merchants had become accustomed to drinking coffee during their extended residences in the Company ‘Factories’ in the Ottoman cities of Istanbul, Izmir and Halep (or Constantinople, Smyrna and Aleppo as they knew them) (Ellis, 2004a, Ellis, 2004b and Cowan,
    • Megan Adair
      Megan Adair on 27 Sep 13
       
      hoistory
  • onsisted most of studious Persons, Lovers of Chess, Trictrac [an early form of backgammon], and other sedentary Diversions; and as the generality of the Turks came soon to relish this sort of Meeting-Places, call’d in their Language Cahveh Kaneh, the number of them multiplied insensibly’. From the first, then, the Cahveh Kaneh were places in which customers found as much society as c
    • Megan Adair
      Megan Adair on 27 Sep 13
       
      not much has changed this is important socially and to the community of coffee drinkers that was established long before we even knew it
  • The London coffee-house was similarly built upon principles of friendly and discursive sociability. The coffee-houses, a contemporary thought, were the ‘most agreeable things in London’ (Hilliar, 1730, p. 22). A French traveller, Henri Misson, in London in 1698, remarked that the ‘Coffee-Houses, which are very numerous in London, are extremely convenient. You have all manner of news there; you have a good Fire, which you may sit by as long as you please; you have a Dish of Coffee; you meet your Friends for the transaction of Business, and all for a penny, if you do not care to spend more’
  • Coffee-houses occasioned much excitement amongst writers—satirists especially—in the Restoration and early eighteenth-century. A great many texts were produced discussing the effects of coffee and kinds of social encounters experienced in the coffee-house
  • A glimpse of the kind of social life suggested by the coffee house from the following short, and ironic, poem, called ‘The RULES and ORDERS of the Coffee-House’ published in 1674 in a broadsheet entitled A Brief Description of the Excellent Vertues of that Sober and wholesome Drink, called Coffee, and its Incomparable Effects in Preventing or Curing Most Diseases incident to Humane Bodies ( Brief Description, 1674 and Ellis, 2006).
  • 4. Twelve principles of coffee-house conversation
    • Megan Adair
      Megan Adair on 27 Sep 13
       
      part of subclaim with language
  • the coffee-house established an unstated set of relational group dynamics which allowed it to establish and confirm what it did best, which was to create a distinct sociability.
    • Megan Adair
      Megan Adair on 27 Sep 13
       
      yesssssss best quote!!!!!
  • Anthropologists and sociologists have also offered extended studies of the gossip communities that develop around the world, including the well in an African village (Epstein, 1961, p. 44), a Tofu business in Japan (Embree, 1939, p. 53), or the barbershop in Spain
  • Some places are particularly associated with discussion of this kind: places where people meet, accidentally or occasionally, where they meet and pass the time undisturbed or are able to pass the time together. A good example would be the kinds of discursive communities that have developed in usenet or email discussion lists on the internet
  • One of the reasons to be interested in the coffee-house is its privileged status in the work of a distinguished group of late-twentieth century sociologists and critics, such as Jürgen Habermas, Peter Stallybrass, Richard Sennett, Terry Eagleton. In these accounts, the social life of the coffee-house in the early eighteenth-century seems to be a paradigm or model of the important transformations in English society in this period.
  • Before leaving this model of polite discussion, however, it would be well to remind ourselves of some of the many limitations of the coffee-house model. Habermas argued that the coffee-house proposed ‘a kind of social intercourse that, far from presupposing equality of status, disregarded status altogether’ (Habermas, 1992, p. 36)—but this is a polite fiction, local and impermanent, as hierarchy was translated into new forms. The most notable instance of this problem is shown by the fact that the early coffee-house was not open to women in the same way as it was to men (Clery, 1991 and Ellis, 2001). While women were not explicitly barred from the coffee-house, the regime of the coffee-house made their presence uncomfortable or untenable. Recent research has suggested that some women did go to coffee-houses: there is certainly
    • Megan Adair
      Megan Adair on 27 Sep 13
       
      contradiction which shows social change in the coffee community
  • any, if not most, coffee-houses had women serving staff
    • Megan Adair
      Megan Adair on 27 Sep 13
       
      most men are baristas now
  • From the first, these early coffee-houses were associated with a certain kind of social interaction—what sociologists might call a sociability—which they as businesses went out of their way to cultivate. The distinctive features of coffee-house sociability were egalitarianism, congeniality and conversation. Although there were important differences between the coffee-houses of Istanbul and London, there were also some intriguing similarities, including the manifestation of this distinctive sociability.
    • Megan Adair
      Megan Adair on 30 Sep 13
       
      proof about social part mixing with business
  • ‘They look’d upon them as very proper to make acquaintances in, as well as to refresh and entertain themselves etc. Young people near the end of their publick Studies; such as were ready to enter upon publick Posts; Cadhis out of Place, who were at Constantinople making Interest to be restor’d, or asking for new employments; the Muderis, or Professors of Law, and other Sciences; and, in fine, Persons of all Ranks flocked to them.
  • England lauded the coffee-house as the paradigmatic place of urban refinement
  • In recent years, such views of the coffee-house have been promoted by multinational coffee chains such as Starbucks (Schultz, 1997), and eulogised by conservative American community-values theorists like Ray Oldenburg (1998).
  • The expected sets of discursive practices are reproduced by the coffee-house customers in their behaviour: It is immanent, in other words, and reproduced by the behaviour of the occupants already (custom, in short).
  • Images of the coffee-house record two significant hierarchies: one of status dividing the workers from the customers, and another of gender, excluding all women but the coffee-woman from the coffee-room. The spatial organisation of the room reinforces the hierarchical and gendered structure of the coffee-house: the boys inhabit the space around the table, while the woman proprietor is separated off from the customers in her little booth. It is not that they are powerless here, just that their power is of a different quality.
  • In this way, even a space that considered itself radical precisely because it was egalitarian, nonetheless established a space which surreptitiously re-encoded forms of hierarchy and prejudice without itself knowing it was doing so
    • Megan Adair
      Megan Adair on 30 Sep 13
       
      still sets prejudices today
  • Users—whether conversational drinkers in the coffee-house or contributors to internet discussion lists or discussants in a symposium—acquire the knowledge of how the group manages itself by an almost organic or life-like process: a sociology or anthropology of relational community identities.
  • Terry Eagleton. In these accounts, the social life of the coffee-house in the early eighteenth-century seems to be a paradigm or model of the important transformations in English society in this period.
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