Contents contributed and discussions participated by Arabica Robusta
African Peasants Highlight Interconnected Struggles at Via Campesina Global Conference ... - 0 views
'I won't stop': Jailed activist blasts US crackdown on anti-Trump protesters - 0 views
Socialism's Future Can't Be Its Failures - 0 views
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Without the tide of European revolution to buoy it, the new socialist government in Russia was attacked from all sides by the great capitalist powers. The liberatory promise of the Russian Revolution was not destroyed by a lack of democracy, an attempt to turn the world upside down, or even by Stalin. It was destroyed by the guns, bayonets and pogroms of the “White Army” funded and supported by every major capitalist power in the world. While the Bolshevik government survived, the revolution was smashed to bits, replaced by an empty bureaucracy ruling over the ruins of a working class.
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The lesson of the failure of the Russian Revolution is not that it placed insufficient emphasis on democracy. It was doomed by the fear of social democratic parties to challenge capital and their abandonment of internationalism.
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Like Sunkara, I am a member of the Democratic Socialists of America and (possibly unlike Sunkara) I believe there is a dialectical relationship between building working class power within the current system and building the potential for socialist revolution. The lesson of the defeat of the Russian Revolution is that the cost of our timidity is far worse than the cost of our boldness. To pretend otherwise is to doom the prospects of liberation and invite the terror and death of the 20th century once more.
Leaked Documents Reveal Counterterrorism Tactics Used at Standing Rock to "Defeat Pipel... - 0 views
Virtue-signalling as a route to social status: instances from the semi-periphery - 0 views
We are not your case study: weaving transnational solidarities across the semi-peripheries - 0 views
David Harvey and the American Indian - 0 views
Globalization and the End of the Labor Aristocracy, Part 1 » TripleCrisis - 0 views
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Nevertheless, the fact that provision is no longer necessarily in the public domain, and that private provision is increasingly seen as the norm, has opened up huge new markets for potentially profit-making activity. This has been a crucial way of maintaining demand, given the saturation of markets in many mature economies, and the inadequate growth of markets in poorer societies.
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It’s not just that national and international institutional structures that should provide checks and balances to the privatization of knowledge are more fragile and less effective than they used to be. Rather, it’s that they are actively working in the opposite direction. The numerous “trade agreements” that have been signed across the world in recent years have been much less about trade liberalization—already so extensive that there is little scope for further opening up in most sectors—and much more about protecting investment and strengthening monopolies generated by intellectual property rights.
Oklahoma Governor Signs Anti-Protest Law Imposing Huge Fines on "Conspirator" Organizat... - 0 views
Oil and gas union network in Middle East and North Africa grows in strength | IndustriALL - 0 views
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The network held a lively debate about the challenges in the region: exploitative companies, repressive governments, and the chaos and dislocation created by war in Syria and Yemen and the ensuing refugee crisis.
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The outcome of last years’ successful strike by Kuwaiti oil unions was discussed, as well as the establishment of a new union for private sector workers in the country.
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The working practices of companies in the region diverge greatly: from the exploitative practices of companies like DNO and ExxonMobil, through to companies like Total who engage in social dialogue. In Iraq, a deal was concluded with Shell, which established a union to cover 6,000 gas field employees.
After Brutal Repression, the Teachers' Struggle in Argentina Continues - 0 views
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Not only has the government refused to make the teachers an acceptable offer, it has also employed a wide range of tactics aimed at breaking the struggle, including the launch of a campaign to recruit “volunteer” strikebreakers, making deductions from striking teachers’ salaries, recruiting state employees to prepare black lists of teachers who took part in the strikes, and planting police officers in schools and teachers’ assemblies.
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The union federations’ response to the government’s stance has fallen short of many teachers’ expectations. Throughout the struggle, decisions regarding the actions to be carried out by the CTERA (Argentine Confederation of Education Workers) and the Suteba (United Education Workers’ Union of Buenos Aires) have been made behind the backs of the unions’ bases, without calling a single teachers’ assembly.
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Both sides in the conflict are well aware that it is not only the teachers’ salaries that are at stake in this scenario. The outcome of the struggle will determine the prospects for future collective bargaining agreements in both the public and private sectors.
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Diigo - macintyre2007_informed-consent_15d.pdf - 0 views
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Nyamnjoh: Introduction – Academic Freedom in African Universities
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Fair trade often rewards to agri-business
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Parity, along with food production quotas and environmentally regulated supply management is critical for green new deal
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Crowdpac is an open platform, and the new politics is coming - 0 views
You Can’t Fake It | Jacobin - 0 views
Amilcar Cabral's Revolutionary Anti-Colonialist Ideas | PopularResistance.Org - 0 views
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Cabral understood that the extension and domination of capitalism depends critically on dehumanizing the colonial subject. And central to the process of dehumanization has been the need to destroy, modify or recast the culture of the colonized, for it is principally through culture, “because it is history”, that the colonized have sought to resist domination and assert their humanity. For Cabral, and also for Fanon, culture is not some aesthetic artefact, but an expression of history, the foundation of liberation, and a means to resist domination. At heart, culture is subversive.
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The history of liberalism has been one of contestation between the cultures of what Losurdo refers to as the sacred and profane spaces.
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The democracy of the sacred space to which the Enlightenment gave birth in the New World was, writes Losurdo, a “Herrenvolk democracy”, a democracy of the white master-race that refused to allow blacks, indigenous peoples, or even white women, to be considered citizens. They were regarded as part of the profane space occupied by the less-than-human.
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