intentionally
Stanford scientists put free text-analysis tool on the web | Engineering - 1 views
Action (Stanford Encyclopedia of Philosophy) - 0 views
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questions about the nature, variety, and identity of action
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Should we think of the consequences, conventional or causal, of physical behavior as constituents of an action distinct from but ‘generated by’ the movement? Or should we think that there is a single action describable in a host of ways?
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A model for device development | Researchers at the Stanford University Program in Biod... - 2 views
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clinical need.
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estimated market size and clinical impact associated with each.
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prior art related
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WebProtégé - 3 views
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I am using Protege to build a living systems ontology applied to SNESORICA. This ontology will constitute the backbone of value networks'infrastructure, modeled as living systems. If you want to contribute to the elaboration of this ontology please contact me, this web application is collaborative. I am also using it to build our Projects ontology. If you want to contribute to the elaboration of this ontology please contact me, this web application is collaborative.
What is an ontology and why we need it - 1 views
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an ontology designer makes these decisions based on the structural properties of a class.
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an ontology is a formal explicit description of concepts in a domain of discourse (classes (sometimes called concepts)), properties of each concept describing various features and attributes of the concept (slots (sometimes called roles or properties)), and restrictions on slots (facets (sometimes called role restrictions)). An ontology together with a set of individual instances of classes constitutes a knowledge base. In reality, there is a fine line where the ontology ends and the knowledge base begins.
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Classes describe concepts in the domain
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Protege Wiki - 1 views
Inequality: Why egalitarian societies died out - opinion - 30 July 2012 - New Scientist - 0 views
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FOR 5000 years, humans have grown accustomed to living in societies dominated by the privileged few. But it wasn't always this way. For tens of thousands of years, egalitarian hunter-gatherer societies were widespread. And as a large body of anthropological research shows, long before we organised ourselves into hierarchies of wealth, social status and power, these groups rigorously enforced norms that prevented any individual or group from acquiring more status, authority or resources than others.*
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How, then, did we arrive in the age of institutionalised inequality? That has been debated for centuries. Philosopher Jean-Jacques Rousseau reasoned in 1754 that inequality was rooted in the introduction of private property. In the mid-19th century, Karl Marx and Friedrich Engels focused on capitalism and its relation to class struggle. By the late 19th century, social Darwinists claimed that a society split along class lines reflected the natural order of things - as British philosopher Herbert Spencer put it, "the survival of the fittest". (Even into the 1980s there were some anthropologists who held this to be true - arguing that dictators' success was purely Darwinian, providing estimates of the large numbers of offspring sired by the rulers of various despotic societies as support.)
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But by the mid-20th century a new theory began to dominate. Anthropologists including Julian Steward, Leslie White and Robert Carneiro offered slightly different versions of the following story: population growth meant we needed more food, so we turned to agriculture, which led to surplus and the need for managers and specialised roles, which in turn led to corresponding social classes.
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