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Arabica Robusta

The time of the nation: negotiating global modernity | openDemocracy - 0 views

  • This depoliticised nature of the contemporary, seen as the conceptual and experiential embodiment of globalised capitalism, consequently poses problems far more significant than the mere survival of the nation-state.
  • Undoubtedly, since the demise of the postmodern epoch in the popular and academic imagination, the acceleration of technological forces in commerce and communication - that have paved the way for increased capital accumulation, exchange and crisis - have only heightened what Foucault and Jameson gesture towards as a lived sensation of pure simultaneity.
  • In opposition to the crisis of the political generated by the false amalgamation of coeval living experiences, we might propose the concept of modernity; a concept that the nation-state might be perfectly situated to help elucidate. On this model, I would argue, modernity can be seen as linked to a increased self-consciousness of a secular conception of one's individual finitude (in the form of mortality but also one's personal and societal limits), and the collective negotiation of this issue via a democratic politics.
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  • Undoubtedly some of the impotence of movements such as Occupy can be attributed to the same false utopianism of a borderless world of cyber-communities and multinational companies, whose liberating effects have been a far cry from lived reality.
  • However, the heterotopian potential of the nation-state is vividly problematised through the realisation that twentieth or twenty-first century globalisation, divorced and independent of the influence of varying nation-states, is in fact a fallacy.
  • The question then becomes: how to conceive of the self-determining impulse of modernity - here encapsulated in nationalism - in the form of a  socio-political body that would be capable of maintaining that impulse through preserving the logic of democracy, and foster the requisite representative power in opposition to the power of transnational capitalism?
  • Borders are no longer simply dotted lines between nation-states, but often manifest themselves as ‘spontaneous’ entities such as security and health check zones all over major social and transit spaces, particularly in Europe and the West.
  • But how to conceive of a democratic entity powerful enough to appropriate the multiplicity and heterogeneity of globalised borders, that would also be able to withstand, what Balibar outlines as "the risk of being a mere arena for the unfettered domination of the private centres of power, which monopolise capital, communications and, perhaps also, arms"?
  • If this modern or modernist kernel is latent within the nation-state, then a significant reconfiguration is required since the language of nationhood and nationalism is certainly not one of contingent universality. Rather it is one of mythology: mythologies of ethnicity, of genealogy, of autochthony.
  • If we cannot do away with borders, then they must remain out of necessity. This necessity is discrimination. As Nairn rightly argues, "cultures...depend upon conflicts unsustainable without borders". Contrasts and distinctions are internal to any logic of identity, as Balibar similarly suggests; "the very representation of the border is the precondition for any definition". Once identity is philosophically understood as differential and not self-sufficient, globalisation raises a very modernist dilemma. How to make the very diversity (of choices, cultures, of the new) that modernisation and globalisation make possible, resist the paralysing repetitive logic of what Walter Benjamin terms the 'ever-same' (i.e. the temporality of the contemporary)?
  • The mythological language of nationalism asserts an enduring order, paradoxically so inasmuch as the precise origin or origins of any nationalist discourse remain a shrouded mystery. Myth, as structurally detached from historical or circumstantial origin, becomes a vehicle of interpretation and pathos, splitting into a potentially infinite number of manifestations in each 'national' subject (where each standardised narrative is appropriated as a personal one).
  • By arguing the case for global modernity in the form of the nation-state, however, one faces the immediate problem that modernity is almost unthinkable without capitalism (despite any such attempt to render modernity as a democratising force tied to a conception and experience of time).
  • Although the European tradition has established laws and institutions (including the nation-state) that remain significantly flawed, these still provide a democratic logic that guarantees the possibility of revision, of perfectibility, of the future. If the nation-state can embody a heterotopic space that permits identification through processes of willed negotiation and division, guaranteeing the possibility of the present to always be changed, then it might still serve as a tool for resistance.
tony curzon price

European Journalism Observatory - The Myth of Media Globalisation - 0 views

  • His key finding: By thoroughly analysing the USA’s patriotic media coverage of the second War in Iraq (2003) and the contradicting Internet voices to be heard on the Mexican Zapatista revolt or the rise to fame of Arab news station Al Jazeera, Hafez illustrates how the media reinforces the process of globalisation – without itself becoming truly and fundamentally globalised.
  • Hafez’ intelligent and well-made book will be of interest to media or communication researchers, not least because the author manages to present his analysis in a highly readable way. After all, the recent scandal caused by the Mohammed caricatures published in Denmark and elsewhere in Europe would be a prime example for why the “dialogue between cultures” is ultimately bound to fail: for one thing, there are simply too many different notions of things such as the freedom of the press, or the freedom of speech and religion. According to Hafez, “What remains is, the attempt to demystify a great and grandiose idea by analysing it in a sober and unprejudiced way.”
tony curzon price

Zygmunt Bauman: globalisation, politics and Europe Ian Varcoe - openDemocracy - 0 views

  • Reading Bauman helps people to insulate themselves from these false solutions to their difficulties.
  • might say that the problem for people today is how to resist consumer society, to find ways of caring for others, and to find a new politics that is above the nation-state. The globalisation phenomenon requires this if it is to be encountered by humanity in a more balanced form than at present when its negative side predominates over its positive side. The European integration project may offer some guidance.
    • tony curzon price
       
      The european project as a hope for a better globalisation ... but does it have the right bottom-up legitimacy to be that? is it not too much of an elitist project?
  • The political institutions of this are parliamentary democracy and the public sphere; the former has been eroded and the latter hollowed out.
    • tony curzon price
       
      This makes me think of Simon Zadek at AccounAbility, who believes that the future of democracy will be found in the accountability of non-state instituions, like business and NGOs. Davos and CSR, not EU and UN.
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  • Bauman is a declared European
    • tony curzon price
       
      a good description of the Scylla and Charibdys of the EU alternative - dialogue that paves the way between relativism and fundamentalisms
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    How, I wonder ...
tony curzon price

ePolitix.com - Gordon Brown: Conference speech in full - 0 views

  • And let me say that commitment to international action on justice means today to prevent genocide, the world must through the U.N, urgently act in Darfur.
  • Most of all my parents taught me that each of us should live by a moral compass.It was a simple faith with a fundamental optimism.That each and every one of us has a talent.Each of us a duty to use that talent.And each of us should have the chance to develop that talent. And my parents thought we should use whatever talent we had to help people least able to help themselves. And as I grew up surrounded by books, sports, music and encouragement, I saw at school and beyond how some flourished and others, denied these opportunities, fell behind. They had talent, they had ability. But they did not have the chance to fulfil their promise. They needed someone to champion them. They needed the support of people on their side. And is not our history the story of yes, progress through the fulfilled talents, even genius, of some but, yes, also of the wasted potential of millions for too many, their talents lost and forever unfulfilled?
    • tony curzon price
       
      Brown's parable of the talents
  • Strip away the rhetoric about globalisation and it comes down to one essential truth: You can buy raw materials from anywhere,You can borrow capital form anywhere,You can engage with technology half way across the world,But you cannot buy from elsewhere what in the global economy you need most; the skills and the creativity of all our people – and that means that in education we must aim to be number one.
    • tony curzon price
       
      Brown's globalisation - this has the slight sense of "the last thing that still remains..." And what of physical capital ... no mention
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  • As Alan Johnson proposes, give vocational qualifications parity of esteem with academic qualifications.
    • tony curzon price
       
      in whose gift is "parity of esteem" ... are _these_ the policies that come out of the respect agenda? surely respect comes from a complex social whole, with mixtures of truth and appearance ...
  • I believe the answer is that we the British people must be far more explicit about the common ground on which we stand, the shared values which bring us together, the habits of citizenship around which we can and must unite. Expect all who are in our country to play by our rules. 
    • tony curzon price
       
      multiculturalism's limits
  • the active citizen, the empowered community, open enabling government.
    • tony curzon price
       
      just as power had to be taken from special interests - code word for capital - so now it must be taken from the state
  • I want a radical shift of power from the centre.
Arabica Robusta

Philanthropy on the commons | openDemocracy - 0 views

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    The future of philanthropy lies in joining the wave of open source peer-production that is enriching public assets, says Mark Surman.
Arabica Robusta

Philanthrocapitalism: after the goldrush | openDemocracy - 0 views

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    "Wealth is like an orchard", says the Mexican philanthrocapitalist Carlos Slim, "you have to distribute the fruit, not the branch", presumably because the branch, tree and forest all belong to him.
tony curzon price

FT.com / Home UK / UK - One-third of biggest UK businesses pay no tax - 0 views

  • One-third of biggest UK businesses pay no taxBy Vanessa HoulderPublished: August 27 2007 22:02 | Last updated: August 27 2007 22:02Almost a third of the UK’s 700 biggest businesses paid no corporation tax in the 2005-06 financial year while another 30 per cent paid less than £10m each, an official study has found.
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    big corporates pay no tax: this is an inevitable consequence of globalisation
tony curzon price

A tale of two towns | openDemocracy - 0 views

  • The extent of that divide is startling and remains largely unrecognised, as does the fact that it has increased markedly in recent decades. The period from 1965 to 1990 was particularly acute - in 1960 the average GNP per capita for the richest 20% of the world's population was thirty times that of the poorest 20%. By 1995 this had widened to sixty times.
    • tony curzon price
       
      what is the statistic for _absolute_ poverty? i thought the world bank development index was showing _falling_ abslute poverty levels... not that the relative is irrelevant ...
  • n the way that Heritage Park is a defence against disorder and crime, with its enlightened schooling rooted in the Christian ethos of love and care and helpfully protected by 33,000 volts, so Baladia represents a more aggressive response of taking the war to the enemy. Create your enemy's town, and train your troops to attack with much greater effect.
    • tony curzon price
       
      2 approaches to security - fence or fight ... neither is nice, but does either address root causes?
Maggie Tsai

Undercurrent | openDemocracy - 0 views

  • He'd phoned twice the week before, and I'd returned the call to his hotel voice mail on both occasions, but we hadn't connected. So when the 350-pound biker widely known across the deep south as "Grizzly" called me again last Thursday, I was as prepared as could be for another of his semi-annual communications.
    • Maggie Tsai
       
      I can share a private group note or a public one, and share it with my opendemocracy group. Make sure that the share to "group(s)" is selected.... submit OK
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