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Arabica Robusta

Parag Khanna on 'How to Run the World' - Knowledge@Wharton - 0 views

  • When I meet young people who work for multinationals, but who have citizenship from Brazil or India or China or Russia, they realize that, in fact, their national identity will not allow visa-free access to the West or other parts of the world for years and years to come. The corporate identity is what allows them that access -- and the visas that their corporation gets for them.
  • They rely much more in coalitions that bring together the corporate world, the civic world, the governmental world and even the religious sphere as well. What I see around the world are examples of this mega-diplomacy, such that I find that theory actually needs to catch up with practice. That's part of why I wrote this book.
  • Corporations have been a major driver in bringing about this new system, so they are obviously going to play a very prominent role in it. The question is, "From where?"
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  • But taken together, you can view corporations from the standpoint of the resources they control, the number of employees they have, the sort of loyalty that they generate.
  • States, the governments within them and the societies need a new sort of purpose. And this is where this notion of a new Colonialism comes in. I don't argue that we should aggressively be pursuing a new form of Colonialism like the old. I specifically call it "new" for a very important reason. The multitude of actors that are involved in this new Colonialism are not necessarily mercantile exploitative powers, such as in the old Colonialism. Here we are talking about a set of actors that can exercise the necessary leverage to get certain states and markets to behave or to evolve in a more accelerated fashion than would otherwise be the case.
  • The new Colonialism is a force that helps to accelerate what are inevitable, necessary and positive changes.
  • Now you talk in the book, as you just mentioned, about the need at times to remove heads of state who are often the roots of problems. Who are the bad guys? How do we decide which heads of state to remove (that's a euphemism)?
  • in today's world, we face competing political and economic models. But you argue that the attractiveness of one over the other is judged by the ability to provide material benefits and not how democratic it is.
  • I think the case that I make is that democracy requires capitalism. Capitalism doesn't necessarily require democracy. I've been putting together some data on the top 10 performing non-democratic states in the world and the top 10 democratic states in the world, looking at their growth figures, per capita GDP and other sorts of metrics.
Arabica Robusta

Pambazuka - Transnational capitalism or collective imperialism? - 1 views

  • Faced with the institutions created by the transnational bourgeoisie, Carroll proposes a counter-strategy, in which four promising new institutions emerge. These are: (i) the International Trade Union Confederation (ITUC); (ii) the Transnational Institute Amsterdam, itself a branch of the Institute for Policy Studies based in Washington; (iii) Friends of the Earth International (FoEI); and (iv) the World Social Forum (WSF), which was first held in Porto Alegre in 2001.
  • Beyond the differing nuances and concerns specific to each of these institutions, a single common denominator unifies them as a coherent group. First, these institutions are largely ‘reformist’, sometimes to the extreme, like the ITUC, who no longer even defends the ‘old-style’ social democratic programmes – a compromise between capital and labour worthy of the name – and is satisfied with minor proposals aimed at alleviating the most dramatic social consequences of the policies dictated by the monopolies. The FoEI is not interested in examining the fundamental relationship between capitalist logic and ecological disaster and as such is able to act as a viable interlocutor for the World Business Council for Sustainable Development (WBCSD). The WSF charter forbids the research of credible alternative policies and is satisfied with simply recording the spontaneous societal changes that are produced by the ‘resistance’.
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    Faced with the institutions created by the transnational bourgeoisie, Carroll proposes a counter-strategy, in which four promising new institutions emerge. These are: (i) the International Trade Union Confederation (ITUC); (ii) the Transnational Institute Amsterdam, itself a branch of the Institute for Policy Studies based in Washington; (iii) Friends of the Earth International (FoEI); and (iv) the World Social Forum (WSF), which was first held in Porto Alegre in 2001.
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