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Ed Webb

"The internet is freedom": Index speaks to Tunisian Internet Agency chief | Index on Ce... - 0 views

  • Right now there is no internet censorship. I’m against censorship. But in case there is a call for the comeback of censorship, it should be based on legal texts. And for the moment there are no such texts for the Internet in Tunisia. The goal of the agency after the revolution is guaranteeing net neutrality. When we say net neutrality we should not care about the content. Again we do not prefer Internet legislation because we are aware its risks
  • If there is to be Internet control in Tunisia, this control should be smart, transparent and for security reasons. The agency, used to carry out such control secretly. Today we are advocating absolute transparency. It would be better if a new public agency would be established and take charge of such a task. The ATI cannot guarantee internet neutrality and supervise the Internet at the same time. That is a conflict. This is my personal view as the legal representative of the ATI.
  • According to the information that I have; the Tunisian Agency for External Communication [known by its French acronym as the ATCE] was involved in taking such decisions (…) the ATCE had important transactions with the ATI. But these transactions were not documented as practices of censorship, but as website surveillance. But there is nothing documented that proves there were censorship related transactions between the two agencies. The former ruling party, the Constitutional Democratic Party, (now dissolved, and known by its French acronym the as RCD) , the presidential palace and the security apparatus, might have been involved in such practices too. I don’t know exactly. There are no documents that reveal exact names and parties.
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  • This company considered the Tunisian Internet agency a big partner … a technical partner that hosted equipment that does not belong to it, and that was used to undertake censorship and surveillance related tests. For these companies, Tunisia responded to their needs; a country close to Europe, and a place where everything was permitted, and no one dares to raise the question about the 404 error. But now, when a website hosted in Europe, or the USA does no longer exist, and 404 error appears on the computer screen, newspapers immediately report that “censorship is back” , and that “ATI is lying to us”. Truly, there is not a single functioning machine except the local filters, which are functioning for public institutions.
  • I can’t tell you the names of the companies. I read the contracts of these companies with the agency, and they contain confidentiality clauses.
  • the problem of Tunisia is the content. We have an advanced infrastructure but the content and apps are not developing for simple reasons. Before, to create a website there were obstacles — namely waiting for the ATCE approval, and censorship. People did not feel comfortable and safe to create content. It was impossible to create websites in Tunisia; it was a dream.
  • There are no more political constraints. And there is no more censorship. People used to be afraid from authorities tracking them and their families down. This is why Tunisia was behind.
  • people are lodging complaints against each other for defamation. We are overreacting and I have fears that if we over react we will receive censorship orders.
  • The government should not be involved in internet regulation. Instead, an independent authority should take in charge such task. But we don’t have such authorities for the internet in Tunisia
Ed Webb

ATCE : mission impossible ? - 0 views

  • Aux dires des témoins de l’époque, le chef de l’Etat tunisien entretenait un rapport très ambivalent avec «sa création», l’ATCE. Elle faisait régulièrement office de punching-ball, et le président, dans ses moments de colère, ne cessait de répéter qu’elle avait échoué dans le domaine de la communication politique. En même temps, Ben Ali se refusait obstinément à changer sa manière de faire, rechignait à s’exprimer, refusait les interviews, et refusait que d’autres ne parlent à sa place.
  • «Avec internet, les réseaux sociaux et l’explosion des chaînes satellitaires, tout décalage entre l’image et la réalité est durement sanctionné. Le public international ne peut plus être dupe. La communication devient propagande si elle n’arrive plus à expliquer les réalités de façon intelligente, crédible et moderne. Il ne sert à rien d’accabler les agences étrangères qui ont travaillé pour son compte. Une agence ne peut pas inventer ses propres éléments de langage en matière de communication politique, ces éléments émanent de l’autorité politique. C’est encore plus vrai dans le cas d’une agence de communication officielle. Il ne faut pas confondre messager et message.»
Ed Webb

Tunisian Newspaper Director On Hunger Strike Against "Favoritism" in Distribution of Pu... - 0 views

  • Jridet announced his intentions to start the hunger strike on May 3, on the occasion of the World Press Freedom Day, and asserted that unfair distribution of paid public advertisements and other announcements was the main reason for the the action. “Favoritism, party affiliation, and political loyalty are still governing the process of attribution of public advertisements,” he said.
  • After the revolution, the ATCE was abolished and no other body was created to take over the allocation of public announcements to different media outlets. “Today, we are back to same old practices of the ATCE…The most obvious example is that Al Fajr, [the newspaper of the Ennahdha Party] takes a larger share of public ads, and needless to ask about why,” Jridet told Tunisia Live
  • report charged the media advertising sector in Tunisia with “complete absence of ethical rules and codes of conduct.”
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  • “The only newspapers which were able to survive after the revolution are partisan newspapers, which is alarming. Two scenarios are awaiting new newspapers, either to disappear or to be sold to private capital,”
  • Nabil Jridet told Tunisia Live that Lotfi Zitoun, political counselor to Hamadi Jebali, called him personally and asked him to stop the hunger strike.
Ed Webb

Presidency Defends Delayed Creation of Media Regulatory Authority - Tunisia Live : Tuni... - 0 views

  • information revealed in an archive has disqualified candidates at the last minute
    • Ed Webb
       
      Hmmm. The ATCE archive, maybe?
  • “It has to be a capable body,” said Manssar, “because it is very powerful and has the authority to shut down a station.”
  • Ultimately, the Presidency believes that the authority to appoint the membership of HAICA is the President’s alone. After the establishment of HAICA, though, the President would play no role in regulating the media and would not impinge on its freedom, said Manssar.
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  • The statement threatened that the three organizations would take the matter to court if the government announced a HAICA membership that failed to meet the standards of the 2011 law.
  • A statement released Monday by three groups involved in the process to select members of the High Authority for Audiovisual Communication (HAICA) held the “President of the Republic and his counsellors accountable for the prevarication and delaying tactics that have marked the process of setting up [the] HAICA.” The statement was signed by the National Union of Tunisian Journalists (SNJT), the National Authority for Information and Communication Reform (INRIC), and the General Culture and Information Union. They assert that the delay has occurred for political reasons.
  • Monday’s statement accuses the government of claiming “excessive power for itself,” evaluating nominations on “purely political and ideological grounds,” and excluding qualified candidates. The government announced the beginning of the HAICA nomination process after a general strike by Tunisian journalists in October 2012.
Ed Webb

Radio Kalima -Tunisie - Transparency Needed: The Media in Tunisia after the Revolution - 4 views

  • maintenance of the pre-revolutionary media landscape: No new TV station has been allowed. Just as no daily newspaper has emerged. New titles are edited by political parties and appear as weeklies, most of which incorporate the standard of the tabloid press. After a 9-days hunger strike by Radio Kalima’s manager, Omar Mistiri, twelve regional radios out of 74 candidates were finally selected in late June by the National Authority for Information and Communication Reform (INRIC), a temporary media advisory board. Now, the selected radios are waiting for the governmental permission. At the institutional level, the disappearance of the Communication Ministry does not lead, right now, to more media autonomy. Pre-revolutionary media managers are mainly the same: CEOs, Editors and Chairmen of Board moved from flattery of the ousted president and his system to a doubtful celebration of the “revolution”. In the state-owned media, the turnover of managers is conducted without any transparency just like under the dictatorship. Changes look more like a consequence of power balance between the different clans in the current government than a nascent process towards a democratic media system.
  • field reporting, which was longtime banned from or depreciated in the official media
  • The legal status of old private media, especially those belonging to the former president family, is still unclear. Some of them are under jurisdictional managers, but INRIC excluded them for the moment from any ethical obligations. Hannibal TV, owned by a relative to Leila Trabelsi, was involved in many ethical infringements to the Ethical Code like slandering or fake news, before and particularly after the revolution. Larbi Nasra, the Hanibal TV owner, seems to play a political role by receiving political leaders and airing many reports about his own charitable actions. Fethi Houidi, Information Minister under Ben Ali, is still Nessma TV’s CEO. Moez Sinaoui, former Nessma PR man, was nominated as the Interim Prime Minister’s spokesman
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  • media reform, like the reform of the police and justice, is not considered a major issue in the democratic transition. Right now, the debate about a media sector reform is polarized between the journalists (the journalists’ syndicate SNJT and some individual initiatives) and the government. Strangely, the question of the journalists’ “responsibility” is debated in the same words as before the revolution. The issue normally comes up when the story of journalists differs from the official version, especially when police and army are concerned.
  • the new law from February 2011, which regulates the establishment and function of the INRIC, is reminiscent of the one that established the High Council of Communication, the advisory body of the former president Ben Ali. There are “private” discussions between INRIC and the High Council of Political Reforms to propose new laws to regulate the media sector before the parliamentary elections. These discussions neither go along with public hearings nor are they reported by the media.
  • In the Press Institute, the unique academic institution for teaching journalism, a tiny reform was decided in April on a two-days meeting. None of the professional bodies or NGOs engaged in the fight for freedom of expression was involved in this reform.
  • the Tunisian Agency of External Communication (ATCE) that had managed the propaganda system outside of, but also inside Tunisia for the last 20 years
  • The fall of the sophisticated system of surveillance and censorship allowed a renewal of the blogosphere and news websites. Even the traditional media are trying to make their websites interactive or to create their electronic versions. Nevertheless, there is no significant shift in terms of production transparency and responsiveness. Critical articles about media often look more like reckoning between journalists than attempts to make media more accountable. In addition, the authoritarian temptation came back with the decision of the military court to ban four websites which were accused of offending the army.
  • Background: MA in Pre-Revolutionary Tunisia Under Ben Ali’s rule most broadcasters and newspapers were owned by one of Ben Ali’s relatives or remained close to the official political agenda either because of press freedom restrictions or for economic reasons. These structures had far reaching consequences for the formation of the journalistic field in general and media accountability practices in particular. Though media accountability recurred in the professional discourse, it did not develop a systematic opposition to the governmental discourse, which mainly focused on responsibility towards the regime. Institutions such as a media council (Conseil Supèrieur de la Communication, CSC) or a Journalists’ Association (Association des Journalists Tunesiens, AJT), that might have played a role in holding the media accountable to ALL media stakeholders, were co-opted by the regime. Yet, some initiatives online like boudourou.blogspot.com took the chance of the Internet as a slightly freer space to remind Tunisian media of their accountability towards the people, though with little impact due to hard Internet censorship and repression of cyber activists
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