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我们反思，我们沉默，我们更加务实，我们放弃理想主义埋头赚钱，我们把伯林的“被动自由”发挥到 了极致，不反抗不拒绝的“被动”着，从心所欲的“自愿麻木”着，低头推着中国经济轰隆前行，这本来是经济学模型最喜欢的行为模式，可是，总有一些不和谐的 年轻脸孔出现，他们无知、天真、纯洁，于是他们血淋淋地被绞杀在你面前。你都想忍不住一把蒙住他们的头颅，厉声疾呼：“你丫就不能老实点儿！？叫什么叫， 等一等一切都会好的，留下命来做事！”可总是有人不听，也总是来不及伸手拉住他们。他们就这么打击着我务实的经济哲学，他们就这么耻笑着我的胆小懦弱，他 们让我觉得自己老态龙钟。

“两会”就要召开了，想来你就要在北京人民大会堂里代表我们这个选区的选民（自然其中也包括我）行使庄严的国家主人的权力。我要问的第一个问题就是:我明明知道自己已经被你代表了，但你是何方人士？你是男是女，是高是矮，是胖是瘦，姓甚名谁？这些我一概不知。唉，你看，我都被你代表了，你总得让知道是你是谁吧？我相信，对我们这些选民来说，是谁在代表我们，这不可能是什么“国家机密”。

让你所代表的选区的选民知道你是谁，是张三还是李四（虽然你不是我们直接选出来的），最好公布你的联系方式，让我们可以时常与你联系，这样有利于你了解你所代表的选民的想法，以便你更好地代表我们嘛。而且前面已经说过了，对于你所代表的选民来说，你是谁不应当是什么“国家机密”。

虽然我们的人民代表制度无比优越，但人家有一点还是值得学习的，那就是老美的议员们，不管是参议员还是众议员，他们对自己所代表的选民脑子里在想些什么是极其关注的，他们得不断地到自己的选区的选民中走动，了解选民的想法；自己在国会投票的情况及其它活动都要不断地向自己选区的选民如实汇报。

然而，无规矩不成方圆，凡事都得讲点起码的规则：老师的规矩就是教书，叫他去招商就离了谱。打盹副局长、招商不成的部门头头属于公务员，对公务员如何任用、奖惩，有国家《公务员法》说了算，对未犯法的公务员擅自拿下，叫以权废法。 仇和现象说明，中国现行的政治土壤，给仇和式的官员赋予了几乎是绝对的权力和权威。对内可以将权力无限延伸，舆论、民意根本无可敌之力。

This lack of freedom stunts any real debate on the future of China. Thinking is still circumscribed. There are areas that are still taboo or where intellectuals can only hint at what they mean. In three vital spheres, this is deeply damaging to China’s national interest. The first is foreign policy. China has evolved in less than a generation into a world power, one now placed alongside America in a newly minted category of G2. But the country is uncertain how to exercise this power. And as long as the party restricts the debate to a known ideological framework, it cannot mobilise China’s vast intellectual capabilities to address this. The second area, intellectual property, is equally damaged. As long as there is no real freedom to question the foundations of society, China will not produce innovators. It will be able to copy and develop, but not to outstrip competitors and set the framework for the world. And the third area is the legitimate assertion of religious and regional identities alongside Chinese citizenship.

Message on the Twentieth Anniversary of Tiananmen SquareHillary Rodham Clinton Secretary of State Washington, DC June 3, 2009On this the 20th anniversary of the violent suppression of demonstrations in Tiananmen Square by Chinese authorities, we should remember the tragic loss of hundreds of innocent lives and reflect upon the meaning of the events that preceded that day. Hundreds of thousands of protesters took to the streets for weeks, in Beijing and around the country, first to honor the late reformist leader Hu Yaobang and then to demand basic rights denied to them.A China that has made enormous progress economically, and that is emerging to take its rightful place in global leadership, should examine openly the darker events of its past and provide a public accounting of those killed, detained or missing, both to learn and to heal. This anniversary provides an opportunity for Chinese authorities to release from prison all those still serving sentences in connection with the events surrounding June 4, 1989. We urge China to cease the harassment of participants in the demonstrations and begin dialogue with the family members of victims, including the Tiananmen Mothers. China can honor the memory of that day by moving to give the rule of law, protection of internationally-recognized human rights, and democratic development the same priority as it has given to economic reform.

     毛孩们是赞同砖制的，现在我不谈砖制的无人监督，带来的贪污腐败等问题。我就说一说被高层吹捧，让底层骄傲的“集中力量办大事”。毛孩们一定会津津乐道地举出一堆例子。从两千年前的秦始皇一直到天朝的神仙爷爷秦始皇。好吧，用举世瞩目的航天工程作例子。

     毛孩们，继续渴盼“开明砖制”吗？还在意淫举国体制吗？还要一边诉苦，一式边维护压迫你的人吗？但毛孩们此举是有历史渊源的。中国首任皇帝秦始皇就办了许多大事。被称为人民智慧结晶的长城有一个响亮的招牌，“防御外敌保卫祖国”。倘若果然如此，这个强盛的王朝现在在哪里？说白了，防御外敌是为了更残暴统治百姓，保卫祖国其实就是捍卫政权。这个智慧的结晶更是堆砌了累累白骨。

    另一种娇柔和谐的传话声，“奉天承运，皇帝诏曰.......依照觉中央最高指示，领悟中央伟大精神，取得又快又好发展......钦此”。前者是民主乱象，后者是和谐社会。这个问题仍放在后面回答。