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Frank Gallagher

Qalibaf Interview - FT - 0 views

www.ft.com/...ff-11dc-abcb-0000779fd2ac.html

iran qalibaf politics neocon technocrat tehran

shared by Frank Gallagher on 04 May 09 - Cached
  • we have not put any development project on hold. We decide on a project and push for its completion.
    • Frank Gallagher
      Frank Gallagher on 04 May 09
       
      Comparison to Rafa's construction jihad?
  • Shora-Yaari, or assisting councils.
  • We have divided Tehran into 380 neighbourhoods with defined geography. People have elected their representatives to these councils to take over some development work. The work might be small-scale but is important. This helps people take part [in the city’s development] from their doorstep.
  • ...7 more annotations...
  • A series of medium-scale projects have been carried out by the municipality’s representative offices in [22] zones. The third level is for big projects which are done at national level, like Milad Tower, construction of highways, giant junctions and cultural centres like Azadi Cinema [the original building was burnt down in 1997] over 10,000 square metres of land. Rebuilding the cinema will take less than 18 months and we are going to hold the Fajr Film Festival this year there in co-ordination with the culture ministry.
  • in Artists House
    • Frank Gallagher
      Frank Gallagher on 04 May 09
       
      WTF! Neocons in Artists House?! Surely a set piece?
  • A: The government owes money to us on two fronts. The government like other people has to pay taxes for its buildings, like ministries, because they are inflicting costs on the city. The government doesn’t meet this part. The government owes us 500bn tomans in this respect, which in some cases go back to five or seven years ago. Unfortunately, the debts are going up.
    • Frank Gallagher
      Frank Gallagher on 04 May 09
       
      Du to clash with Ahmadinejad?
  • This agreement was made when Mr [Morteza] Haji was the minister of education [in the previous reformist government].
    • Frank Gallagher
      Frank Gallagher on 04 May 09
       
      Explicitly points out cooperation with reformist predecessor
  • As a matter of principle, I don’t believe in populism and fooling the masses. If you look into my background, you don’t find such moves. Wherever I’ve worked, it has been completely principled, logical, scientific and systematic.
  • It is an invaluable experience at the age of 19 and 20 to be in charge of 15,000 people during [Iran-Iraq] war [1980-1988]. This happens to few people.
  • I said my first plan was to go to war front to die but I didn’t die.
    • Frank Gallagher
      Frank Gallagher on 04 May 09
       
      Nod to Basiji martytdom
  • Frank Gallagher on 04 May 09
     
    Excellent detail on his management of the city. Drops a lot of soundbites, positioning himself as a pragmatic technocrat but also a loyal follower of the revolution. Slick.
Frank Gallagher

Excellent Review of the Campaign and the Elections- MERO (via Zmag - 0 views

www.zmag.org/...21818

IranJune12th Electoral Process Rigged Election Iran Election Protests Musavi Ahmadinejad Karrubi Rezai Khatami Kaveh Ehsani Arang Keshavarzian Norma Claire Moruzzi MERO ZNet

shared by Frank Gallagher on 20 Jul 09 - Cached
  • The morning after Iran's June 12 presidential election, Iranians booted up their computers to find Fars News, the online mouthpiece of the Islamic Republic's security apparatus, heralding the dawn of a "third revolution." Many an ordinary Iranian, and many a Western pundit, had already adopted such dramatic language to describe the burgeoning street demonstrations against the declaration by the Ministry of Interior that Mahmoud Ahmadinejad, the sitting president, had received 64 percent of the vote to 34 percent for his main challenger, Mir Hossein Mousavi. But the editors of Fars News were referring neither to the protests, as were the people in the streets, nor to the prospect that the unrest might topple the Islamic Republic, as were some of the more wistful commentators. Rather, the editors were labeling the radical realignment of Iranian politics that they wish for. This realignment would complete the removal of the old guard, as did the "first" revolution of 1978-1979, and consolidate the rule of inflexible hardliners, as did the "second revolution" symbolized by the US Embassy takeover of 1979.
  • The number of deeply conservative voters, of the sort who back Ahmadinejad, has not exceeded 12 percent of the electorate since 1993. True, in 2003, these voters seized control of the city councils of major cities, not because of a surge in the popularity of their agenda, but because of the widespread abstention of those who had lost hope in the effectiveness of reformist candidates.
  • But instead greater mass participation in the local elections of 2007 cost the hardliners their grip upon local councils. In Tehran, Ahmadinejad's men lost two thirds of their seats and had to share power with reformists and moderate conservatives.
  • ...6 more annotations...
  • Khatami, then president, promised he would reveal details of election irregularities before leaving office, but this was a promise he did not keep. Mohammad Baqer Qalibaf, another contestant who later replaced Ahmadinejad as mayor of Tehran, announced that $330 million of the municipal budget was unaccounted for, hinting broadly that the monies had been illegally diverted to the Ahmadinejad campaign. Parliament formed a commission to investigate, but the new speaker, loyal to Ahmadinejad, suspended the investigation.
  • Incredulously, the ex-premier exclaimed: "They keep telling me, 'They used to cut neckties in your era.' Who do you think used to cut neckties? Who do you think Imam Khomeini forbade from interfering in people's lives? It was the same people who are in the administration now!"
  • Unlike in previous elections, the Ministry of Interior authorized deployment of 14,000 mobile voting booths, making it very difficult for candidates to send monitors to observe the balloting at every booth. Some 14.5 million extra ballots, by some reports, were printed and no clear system was delineated to track them. When several polling stations in urban centers ran out of ballots, Mousavi supporters asked where the extra ballots were, but they could not be found, and remain unaccounted for to date.
  • Yet the clearest violation of the law would be Mousavi and Karroubi's claim that their observers were not allowed to be present when ballots were counted and the ballot boxes sealed. By law and custom, these observers confirm that the boxes are empty before voting starts, and they are present at the count, sign the result sheet and take away a copy. They are also supposed to be present when the ballot boxes are finally sealed and sent to the Interior Ministry.
  • Unlike in previous elections and despite the enormous turnout, the Ministry of Interior was quick to declare a victor and the Leader officially congratulated Ahmadinejad before a final tally was released or the Guardian Council could make time to review complaints. The "result" generated sub-controversies as well. To highlight just a few, Karroubi is said to have won less than half a million votes (less than the number of spoiled ballots), when in 2005 he earned about 5 million votes, or 17 percent of the total vote. The initial count, oddly, did not include any ruined ballots.
  • During the campaign, opposition candidates repeatedly argued that Ahmadinejad had flaunted regulatory procedures in attempts to circumvent the constitutional checks and balances on the powers of the presidency. Today, it is apparent that this major campaign theme has been borne out in the election itself.
  • Frank Gallagher on 20 Jul 09
     
    Great detail on the political background (inc. 2003, 4 and 7 elections); no the campaign, and on the result. Some good points on electoral processes as well, and the congruence between Ahmadinejad's circumlocation of proceedures for accountability whilst in office, and the conduct of the election.
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