Group items tagged

But given the magnitude of the disaster, these efforts by ordinary Haitians have not been enough to help everyone. Neither has international aid, which, according to hundreds of interviews and months of observation, has yet to significantly address any of the needs of vast swaths of earthquake-hit populations. Although a remarkable $9.9 billion in aid has been given or pledged by individuals and organizations throughout the world, there is a huge gap between the dollars and international posturing around aid, on the one hand, and the population in need, on the other. As of early June, hundreds of people in refugee camps reported that they had received little—some rice, perhaps a tent—to nothing at all.

Despite their advocacy, the Haitian people, together with their government, have been bypassed in the planning and oversight of how aid money is spent and in reconstruction policies. The international donors’ forums in Montreal (January 25), Santo Domingo (March 17), and New York (March 31), where the large-scale plans were developed, were led by foreign ministers and international financial institutions. UN secretary-general Ban Ki-moon has touted the process as “a sweeping exercise in nation-building on a scale and scope not seen in generations.”2 But Haitian voices have been lost amid the declarations of the International Monetary Fund, the United Nations, the U.S. government, and others.

The agenda for a just Haitian future is monumental in the best of times. Today it is being shaped by people who still may be accommodating themselves to the fact that their child or mother, not seen since January 12, is dead. It is being shaped by people who are living in tents in squalid, dangerous camps. It is being shaped by people who are profoundly traumatized and have no access to mental health care.

It may be that their suffering sharpens the determination to have their needs met in a context of social and economic justice and democracy. That is the perspective, at least, of Ricot Jean-Pierre, director of advocacy for the Platform to Advocate Alternative Development in Haiti (PAPDA). “Sadness can’t discourage us so that we stop fighting,” he said. “We’ve lost people as in all battles, but we have to continue fighting to honor them and make their dreams a reality. The dream is translated into a slogan: Another Haiti Is Possible.”

But after the ouster of the Duvaliers, the country spiraled into chaos, coups and street violence from within, and a United Nations economic embargo enforced by U.S. warships. Investors fled. So did thousands of Haitians, many heading for U.S. shores in rickety boats. By 2006, Haiti had hit a miserable low point.

But, just as Sassine was closing his doors, the tide started to turn. The election of President Rene Preval reduced political strife and brought in a series of reforms. With Preval's blessing, a United Nations peacekeeping force already in the country resolved to get tough on the crippling gang violence, even taking casualties. Within months, the urban warfare had largely stopped. Haiti's population has mostly accepted the peacekeepers, especially the Brazilians, whose own experience with city slums helped them understand the job here.

The task of rebuilding Haiti is undeniably huge. It is the poorest country in the Western Hemisphere. More than half its people live on just a dollar a day. Public services like health care and a free education are almost nonexistent.

We are a country where 70 percent of the people are not working. The capacity to increase your internal revenue is almost zero. I believe creating an environment to create jobs is my main concern as a prime minister today. Attracting new investors coming from Haiti or coming from abroad, but mainly creating jobs, creating a better environment for investments, from there, I believe you can tackle all the problems.

But all this promise of Haiti's expanding garment industry, even if lasts, isn't enough to pull this country entirely back from the brink. That's in large part because more than 60 percent of the population here lives in the countryside and risks being left out of Haiti's moment of hope, as investment money gets funneled into the city.

ight now, the needs are so great here in terms of employment, any employment, really. I understand the needs that people see in terms of making sure that workers are treated fairly and compensated fairly. Those are part of the provisions that are in the HOPE bill, where Haiti has agreed to allow representatives from foreign labor organizations into the factories to look to make an assessment at how these workers are being treated.

The United Nations peacekeeping force won't stay here forever. So, it's focusing on rehabilitating and expanding Haiti's police force, to one day, perhaps soon, take its place. It's a tall order to find, vet and educate the 14,000 new officers needed, and there currently aren't enough weapons for them anyway.

A recent training exercise focused on protecting the country's political leaders from potential attack. The exercise highlights fears of political instability here. And tensions have indeed heightened recently. Fifteen political parties, including that of deposed, but still popular former President Jean-Bertrand Aristide, were banned from elections coming up next February.

KIRA KAY: U.S. Ambassador Merten says, bluntly, Haiti doesn't have many more chances to get this right. KENNETH MERTEN: We really need them to -- to understand that this may be the last time that they are going to have this level of international community interest and willingness to help out, particularly financially, quite honestly. KIRA KAY: This may be the last time donors are really going to put so much effort into Haiti.