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Christian Pyros

The New Yorker Replies - 0 views

  • Tierney never claimed, then, that Chagnon was the sole cause of the violence he recorded. Tierney's research—and that of others, such as Brian Ferguson—does show that some of Chagnon's actions had the effect of promoting conflicts that he then attributed to the ferocity of the people he was studying. (Tooby writes, irrelevantly, that other pre-state societies have higher rates of violence, but he never refutes Tierney's argument that Chagnon's account of warfare among the Yanomamö was exaggerated.) Tierney pointed out that missionaries gave machetes to the Yanomamö, beginning in the '50s, and that it was a cause of warfare. But Chagnon's machete trade was distinctive, Tierney showed, and distinctly destabilizing. Chagnon provided machetes in exchange for the names of dead relatives, a violation of tribal taboos, and in doing so, he contributed to discord among the Yanomamö. Chagnon also gave some Yanomamö villages a large number of machetes at once in exchange for their participation in his research projects. In one case, Tierney reported, he created an alliance between two villages which resulted in a raid on a third village and a death. In another case, which Chagnon describes in his book Yanomami: The Fierce People, the act of choosing one village over another for collecting blood samples in exchange for machetes resulted in conflict. According to one tribal leader Tierney spoke to, Chagnon promised machetes to those who would take part in an alliance that Chagnon created in order to make the film The Feast.
andrew carlino

What are the major accusations or questions of debate concerning "Darkness in El Dorado?" - 70 views

The major issue to me in this article was the fact that many of Neel and Chagnon's findings were very loosely based on fact when they were further explored. Other anthropologists had studied many ...

questions

andrew carlino

Darkness in El Dorado, Greg Grandin - 0 views

  • Most cultural anthropologists now believe that the wars Chagnon witnessed were provoked by Chagnon himself. He offered axes, machetes, fishhooks and pots in exchange for ethnographic information, creating tensions among villages that vied for monopoly control of his wares. Within months of Chagnon's arrival in 1964, three different fights broke out between villages that had previously been at peace for decades. Anthropologist Brian Ferguson reports that Chagnon was "very much involved in the fighting and the wars. Chagnon becomes a central figure in determining battles over trade goods and machetes." A Yanomami reports that Chagnon offered him an outboard motor in exchange for help, including the procurement of a Yanomami wife. Shotguns, a seemingly unlimited supply of trade goods and willingness to don feathers, face paint and a loincloth allowed Chagnon to transform himself from an "improverished Ph.D. student at the bottom of the totem pole to being a figure of preternatural power." Tierney argues that many of Chagnon's data are simply false. The Yanomami do not have a particularly high murder rate, nor do men who kill reproduce more than those who don't. Neither are the Yanomami particularly well-nourished--a claim that Chagnon uses to argue that men fight over women and not food.
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