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شفيق يتحدث عن الحد الأدني دون أن يتطرق للحد الأقصي، والأخوان عندما يتحدثون عن الحد الأدني والحد الأقصي وجدناهم يتحدثون عن حد أدني 700 جنيه محسوباً فيها ليس الأجر الشامل فقط، بل ومحسوباً فيها حصة التأمينات التي يدفعها العامل وصاحب العمل، أي أن ما يتقاضاه العامل في يده ربما لا يصل لـ 500 جنيه شهرياً، ويتحدثون عن الحد الأقصي 35 ضعف وليته عام علي كل موظفي الدولة بل في كل وحدة ومؤسسة علي حدة

The Indepenence List also won total, or near total, control of provincial syndicate boards in Ismailiya, Suez and Aswan – governorates where the Brotherhood could claim widespread support for its brand of politics.

in the last years of Mubarak, a younger generation of doctors started to organise in rank and file militant groups such as Doctors Without Rights (DWR) outside of the Syndicate’s internal body, against both Mubarak’s regime and the Brotherhood’s conservative union policies. In the aftermath of the January 25 revolution, these radical doctors, many of whom actually took part in the uprising against the dictator and were emboldened by their success in ousting him, embarked on organising their co-workers for campaigns to take workplace actions and strikes to improve their conditions.

This contrast between the new attitude of emboldened members and a static leadership was illustrated during the unprecedented national doctors’ strike last May. When doctors in public hospitals took industrial action against the government to demand minimum salaries and increased spending on healthcare from 4 per cent to 15 per cent of the budget, both the president of the Syndicate, Hamdy El-Sayed, and the Brotherhood-controlled national syndicate board denounced the strikers. Dr Mona Mina, a member of DWR who won a seat on the new national syndicate board in last Friday’s election and was one of the organisers of that historic strike, told Ahram Online that doctors found it hard to win that battle because of the Syndicate’s hostile position