Arthur Miller once described a good newspaper as “a nation talking to itself.” If only in this respect, the Huffington Post is a great newspaper. It is not unusual for a short blog post to inspire a thousand posts from readers—posts that go off in their own directions and lead to arguments and conversations unrelated to the topic that inspired them. Occasionally, these comments present original perspectives and arguments, but many resemble the graffiti on a bathroom wall.
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Remove Google Bad Reviews - - 0 views
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Remove Google Bad Reviews Introduction As a small business owner, you probably want to make sure everyone is happy with your business. But what if someone posts a negative review on Google? Do you have any control over whether or not it stays up? And even if you could remove a bad review from Google, how would that be possible? If a customer post a negative comment about one of your products or services on Google, then how do you respond? Is there anything that can be done about this problem? In this article we'll discuss everything about deleting bad reviews from google play store and other platforms like Facebook, Yelp and Yelp! How do you respond to a negative comment? When you receive a negative comment, it's easy to get defensive and react with a harsh reply. But this only makes the issue worse. Instead of responding with a stern "no," try responding with something positive: "Thanks for your feedback! I'll take it under consideration." Or: "Thanks for your feedback-I'm happy to discuss if there's anything else I can do." You might even try an apology: "I'm sorry that this didn't turn out as we'd hoped." Remove Google Bad Reviews These responses are much more likely to create goodwill than being sarcastic or dismissive (which won't win any friends). How do you Remove a bad review on Google? You can't Remove a bad review on Google. You can remove a bad review from Google with three different methods: Contacting the reviewer, who may be willing to remove the review if you ask them politely enough (this is not recommended). Contacting Google directly and asking them to take down your listing (this is also not recommended). Contacting the site owner, who may be willing to remove your listing if they want it gone but aren't able to do so directly through their own system (you could also try contacting them via Twitter or Facebook). Remove Google Bad Reviews How long does it take for a bad review to go away? A bad review o
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The News Business: Out of Print: Reporting & Essays: The New Yorker - 0 views
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Democratic theory demands that citizens be knowledgeable about issues and familiar with the individuals put forward to lead them. And, while these assumptions may have been reasonable for the white, male, property-owning classes of James Franklin’s Colonial Boston, contemporary capitalist society had, in Lippmann’s view, grown too big and complex for crucial events to be mastered by the average citizen.
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Lippmann likened the average American—or “outsider,” as he tellingly named him—to a “deaf spectator in the back row” at a sporting event: “He does not know what is happening, why it is happening, what ought to happen,” and “he lives in a world which he cannot see, does not understand and is unable to direct.” In a description that may strike a familiar chord with anyone who watches cable news or listens to talk radio today, Lippmann assumed a public that “is slow to be aroused and quickly diverted . . . and is interested only when events have been melodramatized as a conflict.” A committed élitist, Lippmann did not see why anyone should find these conclusions shocking. Average citizens are hardly expected to master particle physics or post-structuralism. Why should we expect them to understand the politics of Congress, much less that of the Middle East?
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Dewey also criticized Lippmann’s trust in knowledge-based élites. “A class of experts is inevitably so removed from common interests as to become a class with private interests and private knowledge,” he argued.
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The history of the American press demonstrates a tendency toward exactly the kind of professionalization for which Lippmann initially argued.
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A liberal version of the Deweyan community took longer to form, in part because it took liberals longer to find fault with the media.
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The birth of the liberal blogosphere, with its ability to bypass the big media institutions and conduct conversations within a like-minded community, represents a revival of the Deweyan challenge to our Lippmann-like understanding of what constitutes “news” and, in doing so, might seem to revive the philosopher’s notion of a genuinely democratic discourse.
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The Web provides a powerful platform that enables the creation of communities; distribution is frictionless, swift, and cheap. The old democratic model was a nation of New England towns filled with well-meaning, well-informed yeoman farmers. Thanks to the Web, we can all join in a Deweyan debate on Presidents, policies, and proposals. All that’s necessary is a decent Internet connection.
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In October, 2005, at an advertisers’ conference in Phoenix, Bill Keller complained that bloggers merely “recycle and chew on the news,” contrasting that with the Times’ emphas
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“Bloggers are not chewing on the news. They are spitting it out,” Arianna Huffington protested in a Huffington Post blog.
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n a recent episode of “The Simpsons,” a cartoon version of Dan Rather introduced a debate panel featuring “Ron Lehar, a print journalist from the Washington Post.” This inspired Bart’s nemesis Nelson to shout, “Haw haw! Your medium is dying!” “Nelson!” Principal Skinner admonished the boy. “But it is!” was the young man’s reply.
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And so we are about to enter a fractured, chaotic world of news, characterized by superior community conversation but a decidedly diminished level of first-rate journalism. The transformation of newspapers from enterprises devoted to objective reporting to a cluster of communities, each engaged in its own kind of “news”––and each with its own set of “truths” upon which to base debate and discussion––will mean the loss of a single national narrative and agreed-upon set of “facts” by which to conduct our politics. News will become increasingly “red” or “blue.” This is not utterly new. Before Adolph Ochs took over the Times, in 1896, and issued his famous “without fear or favor” declaration, the American scene was dominated by brazenly partisan newspapers. And the news cultures of many European nations long ago embraced the notion of competing narratives for different political communities, with individual newspapers reflecting the views of each faction. It may not be entirely coincidental that these nations enjoy a level of political engagement that dwarfs that of the United States.
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he transformation will also engender serious losses. By providing what Bill Keller, of the Times, calls the “serendipitous encounters that are hard to replicate in the quicker, reader-driven format of a Web site”—a difference that he compares to that “between a clock and a calendar”—newspapers have helped to define the meaning of America to its citizens.
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Just how an Internet-based news culture can spread the kind of “light” that is necessary to prevent terrible things, without the armies of reporters and photographers that newspapers have traditionally employed, is a question that even the most ardent democrat in John Dewey’s tradition may not wish to see answered. ♦
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Finally, we need to consider what will become of those people, both at home and abroad, who depend on such journalistic enterprises to keep them safe from various forms of torture, oppression, and injustice.
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