As an American journalist,
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in title, tags, annotations or url10 Things Every College Professor Hates - Business Insider - 0 views
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How Middle East Studies Professors Handle Bias in the Classroom - The Atlantic - 0 views
Professors reject Sisi's amendment to university law | Mada Masr - 0 views
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Beheading Video Stirs Debate On Social Media Censorship : NPR - 0 views
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Twitter and others being proactive about censoring this information start to engage in a slippery slope
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I don't want any government or industry to censor what I can and cannot say to my community in my attempt to ethically inform them
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GREENE: Let me just make sure I understand this because it seems like a very important point - you're saying the New York Post, they are journalists; they made the decision on their own. You might say that it was a bad decision, but it was a news organization, a publisher, so to speak, making a decision about what to publish. Twitter, in the eyes of many of us, you know, is a platform for us to share. And that's a different thing for them to censor you or I or other people in terms of what we want to share or not.
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Yeah, I would look at it as if the printing press operators decided that they wanted to censor the New York Post, right? That's if we view Twitter as a platform. Printing press operators wouldn't shape a newspaper
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these organizations are really sophisticated with their propaganda, and this is just one video of many different types of strategies that they employ.
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that by allowing this video to be available, it is helping ISIS - these militants - spread their propaganda
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we were to have a technology company censoring images from the Vietnam War, think of the iconic images that would be censored and blanked.
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Viewing a video, I feel like you need to make that decision. You need to make that decision. The government shouldn't make that decision for you. A tech company shouldn't make it for you.
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This one here is not the government censoring. This is a tech company that is censoring. Now, again, it's their platform. It's their rules. But it is something to be aware o
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The beheading of James Foley by the Islamic State triggered debate. David Greene talks to Robert Hernandez, assistant professor at USC Annenberg, about censorship with new tech platforms like Twitter.
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The beheading of James Foley by the Islamic State triggered debate. David Greene talks to Robert Hernandez, assistant professor at USC Annenberg, about censorship with new tech platforms like Twitter.
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The beheading of James Foley by the Islamic State triggered debate. David Greene talks to Robert Hernandez, assistant professor at USC Annenberg, about censorship with new tech platforms like Twitter.
Israeli university rebukes professor who expressed sympathy for both Israeli, Gazan vic... - 0 views
The Racist Professor at the University of Illinois | The Academe Blog - 0 views
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Paul Sedra (sedgate) on Twitter - 0 views
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The latest from Paul Sedra (@sedgate). Avid Egypt watcher and historian, Associate Professor at Simon Fraser University, intermittent blogger at http://thawrathoughts.blogspot.com. Vancouver, Canada
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Egypt's 1984 - Sada - 1 views
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military tribunals to try civilians accused of offenses such as blocking roads or attacking public property,
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llows the military to assist police in guarding public facilities, including power stations, gas pipelines, railway stations, roads, and bridges.
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ew powers to expel students or fire professors suspected of “crimes that disturb the educational process”
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hauled before state security prosecutors and interrogated for fourteen hours after the paper declared it would publish investigation records into alleged fraud in the 2012 presidential election.
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veto their board decisions, and it imposes harsher penalties of up to three years in prison for such infractions as operating
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privately owned daily newspapers signed a statement supporting the government in its war on terror and pledging not to criticize state institutions.
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Why is Middle Eastern culture missing from Israeli schoolbooks? - Al-Monitor: the Pulse... - 0 views
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In September 2015, “Faith and Redemption” caused an uproar in Israel as another example of the exclusion of Mizrahi culture and history from the Israeli curriculum.
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From Shriki's perspective, the place of Mizrahi authors and thinkers in the Israeli curriculum is critical.
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Gideon Saar, Naftali Bennett's predecessor as education minister, struggled with this same issue in 2012, when the Libi Bamizrach coalition sent him a letter protesting the exclusion of Mizrahi history, literature and cultural heritage from the curriculum.
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ne pages, out of a total of 400 pages, that deal with the history of Jews from Islamic lands in a textbook on the “history of the Jewish people in recent generations.” The book was used in Israeli schools for many years. Two years later, Yehuda Shenhav, a professor from Tel Aviv University, surveyed textbooks in Israel and found that not only was the scope of discussion of Jews from Islamic lands meager, its representation was erroneous and stereotypical.
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This long checklist calls for a deep and significant change within the Israeli educational system. It also suggests that Bennett's initiative, much like earlier ones, hardly guarantees that such change will indeed take place.
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WRMEA | Human Rights: Activists Discuss Post-Assad Syria - 0 views
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presented are the result of monthly deliberations among 45 to 50 key figures of the Syrian opposition,
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he said, "The Day After" focused on the development of programs and strategies that assist already autonomous regions of Syria.
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"there are good apples that we can rely on after the collapse of the Assad regime" to assist new security forces.
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Libya's civil war: That it should come to this | The Economist - 3 views
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It is split between a government in Beida, in the east of the country, which is aligned with the military; and another in Tripoli, in the west, which is dominated by Islamists and militias from western coastal cities
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the revolutionaries cobbled together a National Transitional Council (NTC) claiming to represent all of Libya
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Volunteers from students to bank managers took up arms, joining popular militias and only sometimes obeying the orders of defecting army commanders trying to take control
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In August Western bombing of government bases surrounding Tripoli cleared an avenue for the revolutionaries to take the capital.
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Recognised abroad, popular at home and enjoying the benefits of healthy oil revenues—97% of the government’s income—the NTC was well placed to lay the foundations for a new Libya
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he judges, academics and lawyers who filled its ranks worried about their own legitimacy and feared confrontation with the militias which, in toppling Qaddafi, had taken his arsenals for their own.
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The NTC presided over Libya’s first democratic elections in July 2012, and the smooth subsequent handover of power to the General National Congress (GNC) revived popular support for the revolution.
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Islamist parties won only 19 of 80 seats assigned to parties in the new legislature, and the process left the militias on the outside
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tried to advertise its moderation by putting an unveiled woman at the head of its party list in Benghazi
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The incumbent prime minister, Abdurrahim al-Keib, a university professor who had spent decades in exile, fretted and dithered
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He bowed to militia demands for their leaders to be appointed to senior ministries, and failed to revive public-works programmes
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Many received handouts without being required to hand in weapons or disband, an incentive which served to swell their ranks
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the number of revolutionaries registered with the Warriors Affairs Commission set up by the NTC was about 60,000; a year later there were over 200,000. Of some 500 registered militias, almost half came from one city, Misrata.
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In May 2013 the militias forced parliament to pass a law barring from office anyone who had held a senior position in Qaddafi’s regime after laying siege to government ministries.
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In the spring of 2014, Khalifa Haftar, a retired general who had earlier returned from two decades of exile in America, forcibly tried to dissolve the GNC and re-establish himself as the armed forces’ commander-in-chief in an operation he called Dignity
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The elections which followed were a far cry from the happy experience of 2012. In some parts of the country it was too dangerous to go out and vote
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Such retrenchment has been particularly noticeable among women. In 2011 they created a flurry of new civil associations; now many are back indoors.
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Turnout in the June 2014 elections was 18%, down from 60% in 2012, and the Islamists fared even worse than before
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Dismissing the results, an alliance of Islamist, Misratan and Berber militias called Libya Dawn launched a six-week assault on Tripoli. The newly elected parliament decamped to Tobruk, some 1,300km east
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Grasping for a figleaf of legitimacy, Libya Dawn reconstituted the pre-election GNC and appointed a new government
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So today Libya is split between two parliaments—both boycotted by their own oppositions and inquorate—two governments, and two central-bank governors.
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The army—which has two chiefs of staff—is largely split along ethnic lines, with Arab soldiers in Arab tribes rallying around Dignity and the far fewer Misratan and Berber ones around Libya Dawn.
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General Haftar’s Dignity, which has based its government in Beida, has air power and, probably, better weaponry
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the Dignity movement proclaims itself America’s natural ally in the war on terror and the scourge of jihadist Islam
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Libya Dawn’s commanders present themselves as standard-bearers of the revolution against Qaddafi now continuing the struggle against his former officers
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Ministers in the east vow to liberate Tripoli from its “occupation” by Islamists, all of whom they denounce as terrorists
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threatens to take the war to Egypt if Mr Sisi continues to arm the east. Sleeping cells could strike, he warns, drawn from the 2m tribesmen of Libyan origin in Egypt.
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The struggle over the Gulf of Sirte area, which holds Libya’s main oil terminals and most of its oil reserves, threatens to devastate the country’s primary asset
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And in the Sahara, where the largest oilfields are, both sides have enlisted ethnic minorities as proxies
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ibya Dawn has drafted in the brown-skinned Tuareg, southern cousins of the Berbers; Dignity has recruited the black-skinned Toubou. As a result a fresh brawl is brewing in the Saharan oasis of Ubari, which sits at the gates of the al-Sharara oilfield, largest of them all.
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On January 3rd, IS claimed to have extended its reach to Libya’s Sahara too, killing a dozen soldiers at a checkpoint
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have since been conspicuous by their absence. Chastened by failure in Afghanistan and Iraq, they have watched from the sidelines
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Dignity is supported not just by Mr Sisi but also by the United Arab Emirates, which has sent its own fighter jets into the fray as well as providing arms
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If oil revenues were to be put into an escrow account, overseas assets frozen and the arms embargo honoured he thinks it might be possible to deprive fighters of the finance that keeps them fighting and force them to the table
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Until 1963 Libya was governed as three federal provinces—Cyrenaica in the east, Fezzan in the south and Tripolitania in the west
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the marginalised Cyrenaicans harked back to the time when their king split his time between the courts of Tobruk and Beida and when Arabs from the Bedouin tribes of the Green Mountains ran his army
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July 2011 jihadists keen to settle scores with officers who had crushed their revolt in the late 1990s killed the NTC’s commander-in-chief, Abdel Fattah Younis, who came from a powerful Arab tribe in the Green Mountains. In June 2013 the Transitional Council of Barqa (the Arab name for Cyrenaica), a body primarily comprised of Arab tribes, declared the east a separate federal region, and soon after allied tribal militias around the Gulf of Sirte took control of the oilfields.
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In the west, indigenous Berbers, who make up about a tenth of the population, formed a council of their own and called on larger Berber communities in the Maghreb and Europe for support
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Derna—a small port in the east famed for having sent more jihadists per person to fight in Iraq than anywhere else in the world
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opposed NATO intervention and insisted that the NTC was a pagan (wadani) not national (watani) council
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Some in Derna have now declared their allegiance to Abu Bakr al-Baghdadi, the caliph of the so-called Islamic State (IS) in Syria and Iraq.
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In December the head of America’s Africa command told reporters that IS was training some 200 fighters in the town.
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Sex, Lies and Crime: Human Trafficking in the Middle East - 1 views
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2.54% or approximately three-quarters of a million people are enslaved in the Middle East and North Africa.
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With estimates of $34 billion to $150 billion in revenues generated, profit and greed are the motives for the transnational crime of human trafficking.
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Almost 3% of people in the Middle East are enslaved. Typically the people are trapped by falling for a "work trap." They leave their homes and families because they are promised employment. Upon arriving to work, the employers take everything from them and enslave them.
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ABOUT THE AUTHORSharon Buchbinder, RN, Ph.D., is an award-winning professor at Stevenson University and novelist who recently published Obsession, which deals with human trafficking and international kidnapping. Follow her on Twitter at @sbuchbinder. MORE BY THIS AUTHOR In a previous issue of The Islamic Monthly, I examined the pervasiveness of human trafficking in Southeast Asia.