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Goes into depth on the hit the Muslim Brotherhood took after the Mubarak era. Gives a brief history of the origin of the organization as well.

Explains how the Muslim Brotherhood went through somewhat of an identity change post Mubarak due to the oppression they were under when he was in power. Reformations within the group caused changes from radical parochialism to a more political pluralistic approach.

Discusses the success in a sense the organization had after Mubarak. No longer under constant oppression due to them being officially banned by the government, they were able to emerge as a political powerhouse.

This article from BBC showcases how Egyptian street art is a new voice among Egyptian protestors. In response to events, artists have filled the walls with murals and slogans in response to events such as the Maspero Massacre in 2011. Some of the reoccurring images are of a tank aiming its cannon at a boy on a bicycle carrying bread on his head as well as a melancholy panda. Other artists have integrated some of Egypt's history in their murals showcasing Egyptian pride amongst the rebellion.

More than two years after protesters toppled Hosni Mubarak, Cairo is still ablaze with fiery visual reminders of Egypt's revolution. On the edge of Tahrir Square - the nerve centre of dissent - the burned-out tower block that once housed the headquarters of Mubarak's National Democratic Party stands blackened and empty.

Suleiman al-Hout was refused a license for his food cart in 2007. In retaliation, Hout acted the opposite of Mohammed Bouazizi in Tunisia. He went directly to Mubarak's former party headquarters and told them they had an opportunity to gain his vote by helping him on his food cart license. Since then, Hout was a proud supporter of the National Democratic Party and spent many years growing his business network and promoting the party. Through these tactics, Hout gained political clout and support. He did not benefit from the youth revolution because he was still unable to gain employment and a livelihood. The way Hout runs his political campaign is similar to Mubarak-era tactics. Although Hout was an early supporter of Sisi, he quickly changed his position when he was not given a job in the regime and did not gain any other employment. Now he is running for a seat in parliament, and because of his business connections, he may be successful.

This article from The Guardian describes what happened when Mubarak tried to shut down social media in the Egypt in 2011. It touches on many issues such as the protests following this event and the relation to censorship and freedom of speech.

This article offers a differing perspective than most, stating that social media was more of a contributing factor in the middle eastern revolutions rather than "the driving force." Another interesting aspect of this article is the fact that it was written very recently. I think it's interesting how the difference of opinion over time on how social media has impacted and is continuing to impact revolutions in this area.

On 25 January 2011 hundreds of thousands of protesters started to gather in Tahrir Square and planted the seeds of unrest which, days later, finally unseated the incumbent president, Hosni Mubarak, after 30 years of power.

Several political parties and journalists have began hunger strikes in protest of prisoners locked up under the draconian anti-protest law enacted after Morsi was deposed by the military. The law has drawn international criticism and the post Morsi period saw violent crackdowns, torture, and executions that some say rival the darkest days of the Mubarak presidency.

This author gives an analysis of where the Egyptian youth failed and succeeded in their revolution. He applauds their original motivation: overthrowing the oppressive regime and seeking political freedom. However, he criticizes the movement for not having organized goals with practical implications. Their focus was so set on overthrowing Mubarak that they did not have a plan once that was achieved. As a result, the youth allowed the military to become politicized and enforce their political ideas. The author claims this move set a dangerous precedent for the future and took away the attention of the military from places it was needed. The author claims that by endorsing the army to act militarily against the first civilian elected president of the country, the youth is undermining their original goals. He goes on to explain his suggestions for the Egyptian youth to get back on track and follow through in the remaining phases of the revolution.

Both the current Egyptian authorities and the Muslim Brotherhood have failed to attract the support of the youth, while women participated in the recent referendum to support stability. The youth see the remnants of Mubarak's administration through the government structure. The revolution wouldn't be important without changes to the government. Many political groups are trying to coax the youth to being on "their side," and meanwhile, the Egyptian youth are struggling to find any positives. Gaining the vote of the youth generally means a win or loss for the politicians.

Both the current Egyptian authorities and the Muslim Brotherhood have failed to attract the support of the youth, while women participated in the recent referendum to support stability. The youth see the remnants of Mubarak's administration through the government structure. The revolution wouldn't be important without changes to the government. Many political groups are trying to coax the youth to being on "their side," and meanwhile, the Egyptian youth are struggling to find any positives. Gaining the vote of the youth generally means a win or loss for the politicians.

In this article, Barbara Pollack tells the reader about Ganzeer, an Egyptian artist who was influential in the days of the January 25th revolution. Ganzeer has had the government single him out and labeled him "a recruit of the Muslim Brotherhood." This forced him to move for a long stay in the United States where he continues to work at bringing awareness to Western people and hopes to change the way America supports the Egyptian government.

When the people of Cairo took to Tahrir Square in January 2011 to oust Egypt's longtime ruler, Hosni Mubarak, the streets exploded with murals and graffiti that both mirrored the revolutionary spirit of the movement and propelled it forward. A young graphic designer joined the fray, working under the pseudonym Ganzeer, or "bicycle chain."

When the people of Cairo took to Tahrir Square in January 2011 to oust Egypt's longtime ruler, Hosni Mubarak, the streets exploded with murals and graffiti that both mirrored the revolutionary spirit of the movement and propelled it forward.

Egypt's 2011 uprising was often referred to as a youth revolution, but two years after longtime President Hosni Mubarak was forced out of office, many in the younger generation say that they are not represented by the Brotherhood or any other oppositional forces. The demands of the revolution the youth led have not been met. Conditions are worsening. The youth are increasingly disillusioned with the idea of political hope and feel like leaving the country may be their best option for fulfillment. The youth feel their is a large disparity between their ideas and demands and the political desires of the older generation who is favored for their wisdom, experience, and resources. Although the youth have popular support, they lack the resources to successfully run a political race and are therefore left out of the process of change. This means it is left up to the older generation of politicians to appease their demands, if only to prevent more protests.

Journalist Charles Sennott recently returned from Tahrir Square, where he was filming a documentary on the revolution for PBS's Frontline. He describes how various groups of the youth came together to support a common cause. The Muslim Brotherhood had a very strategic role in the revolution. They hesitated to join in the beginning, and then the youth in their group pushed for greater involvement. The Brotherhood brought a lot of organization to the revolution. They positioned themselves as a central force of the revolution rather than a leading player in the uprising. They did not want Mubarak to pin the revolution on them. And it was not their revolution--it was a revolution of all Egyptians. Although the Muslim Brotherhood is aiming toward more of a social movement toward Islamic incorporation into the structure of society, they also want to establish themselves on the political playing field.

This Washington Post article discusses how several world leaders, particularly in the Middle East, have tried to ban the internet and or social media and how they have fail. By looking at several examples such as Mubarak in Egypt, Ben Ali in Tunisia, and now the government in Turkey, it is easy to see patterns and trends that go along with censorship in the government.

Mohamed Morsy was one of two candidates that ran for election after Mubarak. Morsy was part of the Muslim Brotherhood.

The story discusses the election of Abdel-Fattah el-Sisi following the forced removal of Morsi whom was a leader of the Muslim Brotherhood. The Muslim Brotherhood boycotted the election in an effort to make their presence known as well as their strong belief in having Morsi return to office. The Muslim Brotherhood still banned from being recognized as an organization establishes the contradiction of the elections being "genuinely democratic."

The story discusses the election of Abdel-Fattah el-Sisi following the forced removal of Morsi whom was a leader of the Muslim Brotherhood. The Muslim Brotherhood boycotted the election in an effort to make their presence known as well as their strong belief in having Morsi return to office. The Muslim Brotherhood still banned from being recognized as an organization establishes the contradiction of the elections being "genuinely democratic."

Women are Egypt have been treated different than men since anyone can remember. The women are taking action and protesting that the constitution be revised to change rights. Seats in parliament is one of the goals they hope to achieve. Equality between sexes is their main goal.