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House of Rep...Gohmert (TX) 2012 questioning Morsi's commitment to democracy and support of U.S. Could be used if one wanted to argue that Morsi's gov't was already undermining Egyptian democracy and therefore the coup was warranted. 

*Kerry says that the protests to oust Morsi could have led to civil war and violence. *Kerry - now there is a constitutional process occurring. ""the military intervened 'to put the constitutional process back on track.' " *Muslim brotherhood is planning to increase its peaceful protests against the new government.

It has been especially surprising to watch many Egyptians and Americans try to cast a military coup - which is what the army executed when it deposed Mr. Morsi, detaining him and many of his Brotherhood allies - as a democratic tool. The Obama administration, hoping to avoid a legally mandated cutoff of United States aid to Egypt, thus further inflaming anti-Americanism there, has used tortuous rhetoric to avoid calling a coup a coup, or even condemning it. So have many lawmakers and analysts who say the surest way to protect American interests in the Egypt-Israel peace treaty, the Suez Canal and Egypt's cooperation in countering terrorism is to work with the army, Egypt's most powerful institution. A different but equally pragmatic case is made by Egyptian liberals, secularists and non-Islamists who bravely took to the streets to force the overthrow of President Hosni Mubarak in 2011, voted (in many cases) for Mr. Morsi, then turned against him. As Mr. Morsi proved increasingly eager to impose Islamic authoritarianism on the country, the opposition said it collected more than 20 million signatures on a petition demanding his removal (surpassing the 13 million votes Mr. Morsi won in the 2012 election ) and rallied millions of protesters. In their analysis, the army was simply honoring the people's will when it forced Mr. Morsi out. Some Egyptians say they will do that again if the next president also fails them. The basic flaw in these arguments is that coups, forcible overthrows, whatever one calls them, do not provide a foundation for stability or sound representative government. And unlike Mr. Mubarak, Mr. Morsi was not an autocrat imposed by the army, but the country's first freely elected president. True, he was a disastrous leader. But as The Times has reported, remnants of Mr. Mubarak's old order worked hard to sabotage him. It would have been better if his opposition, including the protesters, had worked to defeat him at the ballot box.

Prosecutors froze the financial assets of senior leaders in Egypt's Muslim Brotherhood, raising concerns of an impending crackdown on the group that could dash hopes for political reconciliation with Egypt's new military-backed government.

Just two weeks before the rioting that resulted in the ouster of Egyptian President Mohamed Morsi, Zack Gold, F09, was visiting Cairo, where he thought things seemed eerily quiet. "Don't be fooled," he was told by people he met. "A protest is being planned." No one, though, could have predicted its size and impact.

Sure, revolutions never happen in one simple turn over of power, shifting gov from one group to another, and there's no reason to expect Egypt's revolution is any different. But we should not get excited about the Egyptian military being on the side of good no matter how much you may dislike the Brotherhood--in fact, the military has historically done much to make martyrs out of the Brotherhood; they're a powerful clique with a long history of torture and abuse--and sadly the only stable force in Egypt--with much credit for that going to successive US governments.