Others in the ruling party accused Sarkozy of betraying his Gaullist heritage. The Socialist MP Jean-Louis Bianco said France would be forced to give up its special foreign policy standing and join "a race with Britain to be America's pet"

Jean-Pierre Maulny, a defence expert at Paris's Institute for International and Strategic Relations, said: "Rejoining the Nato command won't change anything with regard to French policy. It's more a question of perception abroad, above all in the Middle East. France has a certain specificity in its foreign policy. Arab countries could get the feeling that we are more aligned to American policy. Likewise in France, there could be a perception that this is a betrayal of de Gaulle. But it's more a question of perception than reality."

Sarkozy said that fully rejoining the alliance would allay suspicions of France's efforts to promote an autonomous European defence system, adding that he was still committed to European defence.

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And he claims that interacting "in person" has an effect on the body that is not seen when e-mails are written. "When we are 'really' with people different things happen," he said. "It's probably an evolutionary mechanism that recognises the benefits of us being together geographically.

Dr Sigman also argues using electronic media undermines people's social skills and their ability to read body language. "One of the most pronounced changes in the daily habits of British citizens is a reduction in the number of minutes per day that they interact with another human being," he said. "In less than two decades, the number of people saying there is no-one with whom they discuss important matters nearly tripled."

Diplomats said the accord and the talks in Geneva tomorrow could pave the way for the Obama administration to press ahead with a common agenda with Russia which would entail talks on nuclear arms control and on Russian co-operation with US policy on Afghanistan and Iran.The new White House team are clearly hoping to bypass the prime minister and former president, Vladimir Putin, and focus its diplomacy on President Dmitry Medvedev.

For any big shifts in the Russian-­American relationship, Moscow would insist on the shelving of the Pentagon's missile shield project in Poland and the Czech Republic and a freeze in the ­prospects for Ukraine and Georgia joining Nato.

The US and Germany tabled a joint proposal for yesterday's Nato meeting, leaving the contentious issue of Ukraine's and Georgia's membership chances open and urging greater co-operation with Russia "as equal partners in areas of common interest". It went on: "These include: Afghanistan, counter-terrorism, counter-piracy, counter-narcotics, non-proliferation, arms control and other issues."

"Russia is a global player. Not talking to them is not an option," said Jaap de Hoop Scheffer, the Nato secretary-general.

In the first big foreign policy speech from the Obama administration, in Munich last month, the vice-president, Joe Biden, said the White House wanted to "press the reset button" in relations with Moscow after years of dangerous drift.

The agreement today was held up for several hours by Lithuania, which strongly opposed the resumption of dialogue with the Kremlin.France and Germany, keen to develop close links with Moscow, threatened in turn to cancel scheduled meetings last night between Nato and Ukraine and Georgia if "the opening with Russia" was not given a green light, diplomats said.

The US and its allies should rather propose turning Iran's nuclear enrichment efforts into a multinational program with strong inspection. Under this approach, the Iranian government would agree to allow two or more additional governments -- for example, France and Germany -- to participate in the management and operation of those activities within Iran. In exchange, Tehran would be able to jointly own and operate an enrichment facility without facing international sanctions. Resolving the nuclear issue would, in turn, make it possible to end sanctions and for Iran to enjoy a variety of other benefits, such as membership in the World Trade Organization (WTO), increased trade with Europe and, perhaps, normalized relations with the United States.

we should offer Moscow clear incentives. For instance, we should strengthen NATO-Russian consultation, and we should signal stronger support for Russian WTO membership.

SPIEGEL ONLINE: In debates in Washington, it has been said that the Germans could play a major role in facilitating a better dialogue between Moscow and Washington. Is that realistic?

Pickering: I think they can be very helpful -- but to facilitate, not mediate.

Germany already has an Ostpolitik, and it is working. Also, Russians and Americans can still speak to each other; they don't really need an intermediary. So assuming such a role for the Germans might be a step too far.

The Russians have an inclination to drive a wedge between the Americans and the Europeans. If the Germans try to freelance outside the bounds of the area of common agreements, that could end up creating difficulties.

Palestinians have been here for more than 60 years - since the creation of Israel - but they are still barred from at least 70 professions, have no access to state education or healthcare, and cannot move freely or buy land. These conditions turn the Palestinian camps into a breeding ground for extremism, a time bomb which will inevitably explode according to a recent report by the think tank, the International Crisis Group.

Efforts to secure a reconciliation have gained strength since Israel's three-week military offensive in Gaza, which ended on 18 January.

"Even today Tibetans in Tibet live in constant fear and the Chinese authorities remain constantly suspicious of them." Tibet's religion, culture, language and identity were "nearing extinction", he said, and Chinese development was devastating the Tibetan environment and way of life. He repeated an accusation that China has killed "hundreds of thousands of his people". "Many infrastructural developments... which seem to have brought progress to Tibetan areas were really done with the political objective of Sinicising Tibet," he added.

Referring to his "Middle Way approach" - offering to accept Chinese sovereignty in Tibet in return for genuine autonomy - the 73-year-old leader expressed disappointment that China had "not responded appropriately to our sincere efforts".