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The new case has been portrayed as a key test for President Dmitry Medvedev’s calls to reform the Russian legal system and end “legal nihilism” in the country. Legal experts have said that the charges are difficult to fathom, partly because they suggest that the two men stole the entire oil output of Yukos for six whole years without anyone noticing at the time.

Later during proceedings, the defence team said they wanted to call Mr Putin to the witness stand. Mr Khodorkovsky had met Mr Putin when the latter was Russian president to discuss the oil sector, said the defence team: “This witness is essential for understanding circumstances that are relevant to this case,” the lawyer Vadim Kluvgant told the court. Other top officials that the defence wishes to question are Nikolai Patrushev, the former head of Russia’s FSB spy agency, and Igor Sechin, a shadowy Kremlin figure who is now Russia’s top energy official and is widely rumoured to be behind the initial attack on Yukos.

Despite the apparent differences between the presidencies of Putin and his handpicked successor, there are few signs of any real disagreement between the two men, personally or politically. "Medvedev came from Putin's state apparatus—he is a reformer, not a revolutionary," says Alexei Makarkin, deputy director of the Center for Political Technologies, a Moscow think tank. "Like Russian historical reformers, he is part of the old machine." Some people say the very idea of Medvedev challenging Putin is no more than wishful thinking. "All we see is just a change of style," says Alexei Venediktov, the director of Echo Moskvy, Russia's leading liberal radio station. "The president does not make a single decision without consulting with the prime minister first."

Putin loyalists say much the same. "Russia's state institutions, created by Putin, are stable and powerful," says Mikhail Leontyev, anchor of the prominent political talk show "Odnako." "There are not two branches of power, only one." He points out that Medvedev has replaced only about one sixth of Putin's appointees and holdovers with his own people.

The president has decreed that all senior bureaucrats must publicly disclose their incomes and business interests and those of their immediate families. But his war on corruption in high places is by definition an attack on some of the very men he has relied on as his chief power base. "Russia's bureaucrats just laugh at Medvedev's income-declaration law," says Gennady Gudkov, a former KGB general on the Duma's Security Committee. "This is not a real struggle, but an imitation of struggle. There is no one to check these Potemkin declarations."