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Contents contributed and discussions participated by Joy Merlino

Joy Merlino

Palestinians to hold elections by September - USATODAY.com - 0 views

  • The Palestinian leadership in the West Bank on Saturday promised to hold long-overdue general elections by September, a surprise move spurred by political unrest rocking the Arab world and embarrassing TV leaks about peace talks with Israel.
  • In principle, elections could help end the deep political split between West Bank-based President Mahmoud Abbas and the Islamic militant Hamas, which rules the Gaza Strip, the other territory the Palestinians want for their state.
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  • uld become difficult for Hamas to reject elections at a time of growing calls for democracy throughout the Middle East. Hamas itself has praised the downfall of Egyptian President Hosni Mubarak as a victory for the Egyptian people.
  • The call for elections came a day after Mubarak stepped down, forced out by mass protests against his ironfisted 30-year rule. The Egyptian uprising and another successful revolt in Tunisia a month earlier have inspired calls for democratic reform throughout the region.
  • Abbas aide Yasser Abed Rabbo said Saturday that preparations were underway for legislative and presidential elections later this year. "We call on parties to put aside all of their differences and to focus on conducting the elections by September at the latest,"
  • The announcement appeared to be an act of desperation by an embattled government that has been weakened by the standstill in peace efforts with Israel, its rivalry with Hamas and the loss of its key Arab ally in Egypt. Mubarak had served as an important mediator between Israel and the Palestinians, and rallied Arab support for Abbas when needed.
  • The documents showed that in 2008 Abbas agreed to major concessions toward Israel by dropping claims to parts of east Jerusalem, the hoped-for Palestinian capital, and acknowledging that most Palestinian refugees would never return to the lost properties in what is now Israel.
  • With the call for elections, Abbas is trying to signal that he is attentive to his people's demands. By putting his job on the line, he can portray himself as a leader committed to democracy. It was not clear whether Abbas, who has said he would step down after his current term, would seek re-election. But the move is a gamble. With peace talks on hold, Abbas and his Fatah party will have no major accomplishment to present to voters.
  • And Hamas, which seized Gaza from Abbas' forces in 2007, said it would not participate in the elections. Fawzi Barhoum, a Hamas spokesman in Gaza, called the election "illegitimate."
  • September is shaping u
  • At that time, Prime Minister Salam Fayyad expects to complete a two-year process of building the state from the ground up. The Palestinians have also signaled they will ask the U.N. Security Council, whose decisions are legally binding, to formally recognize an independent Palestine at that time.
  • Israeli officials have dismissed the Palestinian tactics, saying unilateral recognitions will not change the situation on the ground and that there is no replacement for direct negotiations. However, Netanyahu's hardline government, already reluctant to making deep concessions to the Palestinians, appears unlikely to make any bold offers while the Egyptian situation remains fluid.
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    Research Question: How does the conflict in Israel affect the future of Israeli children compared to Palestinian children? Summary: This article states that the Palestinian leadership in the West Bank is planning on holding general elections by September. This has been brought about as a response to the TV leaks, and the unrest in the surrounding Arab countries. This is an attempt to end the conflict between the Hamas and the West Bank. However, this article does not think that the Hamas will respond favorably to this call for democracy. But with the unrest in the surrounding nations, they might be pushed into cooperation.  Reflection: If these elections do in fact take place, this would mean a dramatic change for the future generation of Palestinians and Israelis alike. If Palestine could become an independent state, this would mean that there would hopefully be an end to the conflict that is associated with the borders. However, this is not certain. The Palestinians best hope would be to get the recognition of the UN. Unfortunately, this could be a challenge due to the relations held between the US and Israel, and the veto power that the US holds. This would also have an effect on the future generation of Israeli citizens. As the conflict would almost certainly dissolve to an extent or reach a boiling point that would inevitably lead to military action. The occurrence of these elections -- or lack thereof -- has the potential to entirely reshape the Palestinian-Israeli conflict. 
Joy Merlino

Impatient Palestinians Eye Arab World In Flux : NPR - 0 views

  • Could the Arab Spring pass over the Palestinians?
  • With the peace process going nowhere, the threat of new violence increasing and the Palestinians badly divided, people in the West Bank and Gaza are surveying the rapid changes in the rest of the Arab world — and growing impatient with stagnation at home.
  • In Ramallah, the seat of the Palestinian Authority, officials are quietly working on a plan: Going for statehood without agreement with Israel, bypassing the moribund peace process.
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  • Although revolt seems unlikely for now, the crowded coastal strip has experienced a series of demonstrations with youths calling for national reconciliation between the two Palestinian territories.
  • "I believe that change is coming to our part of the world. We need as Palestinians to catch the moment," said Saed Issac, a 22-year-old law student in Gaza. "It's time for national unity first, to elect new leaders, and to work hard to achieve our task to end the occupation."
  • Issac was referring to Israel's control over Palestinians' lives — which Palestinians feel applies not only to the West Bank, where power is shared in a complex arrangement dating back to the 1990 autonomy accords, but also in besieged Gaza, even though Israeli settlers and soldiers pulled out five years ago.
  • In Israel, many eye the changes in the Arab world warily, fearing freedom could unleash more hostility — and that is doubly true when it comes to the Palestinians.
  • the Palestinians were influenced by "the trauma of Hamas' rise in the Gaza Strip, relative prosperity in the West Bank" and the expectation of statehood materializing within months. If that expectation is disappointed "a political tsunami" will result, he predicted.
  • A paradoxical challenge results: Hamas won elections but rules Gaza in authoritarian fashion, while Fatah, despite canceling recent elections, has made strides in convincing the world community that in the West Bank it is genuinely laying the foundations of a functioning independent state.
  • The picture that emerges from interviews with top Palestinian Authority officials, most off the record, marks a break from past policies that ranged from negotiations to violence and terror attacks. It combines what seems like genuine commitment to nonviolence with utter impatience with more talks with Israel.
  • "Negotiations have hit a dead end, and the U.S. administration is not willing to pressure Israel. Therefore, we have no other option except taking our case to the international community," said Palestinian negotiator Mohammed Ishtayeh.
  • Abbas' prime minister, Salam Fayyad, has long cited September 2011 as the moment his people will be ready for independence, after a two-year program of rehabilitating courts, police and other institutions. It also coincides with the annual meeting of world leaders at the U.N. General Assembly.
  • The Palestinians say 120 of the 192 countries in the General Assembly have already granted full diplomatic recognition to Palestine, including a recent string of Latin American nations. Many have said the state should be based along the pre-1967 boundary between Israel and the West Bank — effectively taking the Palestinians' side on the border question, since Israel hopes to keep parts of the West Bank under a future deal.
  • Israel had previously dismissed the General Assembly as toothless, but that is starting to change.
  • In an interview with the Jerusalem Post Friday, former Israeli U.N. Ambassador Gabriela Shalev warned that a General Assembly resolution might be meaningful if passed under the auspices of so-called Resolution 377, a little-used device dating back to the Korean War that permits the body to recommend measures ranging from sanctions to the use of force in cases where the Security Council members cannot reach unanimity and peace is imperiled. "This would seek to impose on us some kind of Palestinian state," Shalev was quoted as saying.
  • Although a General Assembly declaration might not force immediate change on the ground, the Palestinians see it as a major step that would "give us new political, moral and legal standing against the Israeli occupation," Ishtayeh said.
  • Inspired by the unrest elsewhere in the region, the Palestinians are also considering backing the diplomatic offensive with peaceful — and photogenic — mass marches and sit-ins across the West Bank, confronting Israeli checkpoints and settlements.
  • One senior Palestinian official said the strategy, following the successful uprisings that ousted leaders in Egypt and Tunisia, would be meant to push the U.S. to take action.
  • A Facebook group called "Let's End the Occupation" has already sprouted up, saying it is preparing demonstrations near the Beit El settlement near Jerusalem later this year.
  • If all else fails Palestinians warn they might disband the Palestinian Authority — a move that would saddle Israel with responsibility for civil and security affairs in the West Bank, huge expenses and a public relations nightmare.
  • As long as peace talks were an option, Abbas could not afford to alienate Israel by embracing its archenemy this way. But the equation changes now that hardly a single Palestinian official can be found who believes in peace talks anymore: World recognition demands a unified front. And because the new strategy does not actually require the Palestinians to offer Israel formal peace, Hamas could be more likely to go along.
  • But there is a certain foment growing from within. Its scale is difficult to gauge, because fear is still widespread, but recent weeks have seen repeated popular protests, which Hamas has alternately supported and violently dispersed.
  • "Hamas needs to listen to the young generation's demands," Fahmi said. "The whole world is changing. You can feel it. So can Hamas."
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    How does the conflict in Israel affect the future of Israeli children compared to Palestinian children? Summary: This article is discussing whether or not the uprisings in the Middle East will spread to the palestinian lands. Given the fact that the leaders in the Palestinian lands no longer believe in the effectiveness of Israeli peace talks, the thought is that the spirit of the riots being held in neighboring countries will be caught by the Palestinian people. The attempt is to become recognized as a sovereign state; before this was to be attempted through peace talks, now the thought of many is to forgo the peace talks and deal directly with the international community.  Reflection: Our research question was focused mainly on the Israeli conflict alone; however, with the current rebellions and unrest in the rest of the MIddle East, it makes logical sense to explore their effect on this conflict as well. It is very true that these uprisings may lead to a want for an expedited statehood. We will just have to see how this all plays out.  
Joy Merlino

A Bold New Palestinian Approach Can Succeed - Council on Foreign Relations - 0 views

  • The demolition of East Jerusalem's Shepherd Hotel this week to make way for a new Jewish housing development follows two years of failure by the Obama administration in bringing Israelis and Palestinians to the negotiating table.
  • Yet it should not obscure a revolutionary new Palestinian approach towards statehood that is producing results. While the international community has spent the past two years focused on Israeli settlement activity – allowing the issue to thwart negotiations to end the conflict – Salam Fayyad, the Palestinian Authority prime minister, has made significant headway in the West Bank. Under his leadership, the PA is taking steps to help Palestine become a fully functioning state. This pragmatic “bottom up” effort reflects nothing short of a thoroughly reconstructed Palestinian approach towards peace with Israel.
  • Mr Fayyad's strategy is one of self-reliance and self-empowerment; his focus is on good government, economic opportunity, and law and order for the Palestinians – and security for Israel by extension– removing whatever pretexts may exist for Israel's continued occupation of the Palestinian territories. He has abandoned “armed struggle” and international intervention – the traditional Palestinian approaches to attaining nationalist objectives. Instead, by changing social and political realities and concretely preparing for independence, Mr Fayyad is trying to change perceptions of what is possible.
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  • Since 2007 when Mr Fayyad took over, the West Bank economy has taken off.
  • Government spending has remained within budgetary targets and improved tax collection rates have resulted in higher than projected domestic tax revenues. Unemployment, close to 20 per cent in 2008, has fallen by nearly a third. More than 120 schools have been built in the past two years, along with 1,100 miles of road and 900 miles of water networks. the prime minister's goal has been for Palestinians to be prepared for de facto statehood by 2011; from an economic and institutional standpoint, he has achieved this.
  • Mr Fayyad's Palestinian critics accuse him of naivety, however noble his intentions. They argue that Israel will never allow the Palestinians to succeed. They want to declare independence now. Yet proclaiming independence without negotiating with Israel will create a state that controls only 40 per cent of the West Bank, leaving Gaza in Hamas's control and all of Jerusalem in Israel's.
  • Israel should end its ambivalence and recognise that Mr Fayyad and PA president Mahmoud Abbas are the best Palestinian partners they are likely to find.
  • Mr Fayyad does not seek to establish Palestine unilaterally – he recognises that Israeli partnership is required.
  • Fayyadism alone will not resolve the Israeli-Palestinian conflict. Only an agreement accepted by Israelis and Palestinians can do that. But Fayyadism is helping support that effort, and preparing the groundwork for peace and Palestinian statehood, in a way that negotiations alone and armed struggle never could.
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    How does the Israeli-Palestinian conflict affect the futures of both Israeli and Palestinian children? Danin, Robert. "A Bold New Palestinian Approach Can Succeed ." Council on Foreign Relations. N.p., 11 Jan. 2011. Web. 8 Mar. 2011. . Summary: The Palestinian Authority prime minister Salam Fayyad, has decided to embark on a different strategy in regard to peace with Israel. He has "abandoned 'armed struggle' and international intervention... and instead, by changing social and political realities & concretely preparing for independence, Mr. Fayyah is trying to change perceptions of what is possible." From an economical standpoint, the strategy seems to be working. The economy has been boosted, & Palestine is moving more and more towards being able to become an independent state. Reflection: In theory, this is a great was for Palestine to work with Israel. However, time will tell how this new strategy will pan out. It may be that Israel would take advantage an idealist such as the prime minister, & it may be also that the Palestinian people will not stand behind a solution that is this inactive. Time will tell if this new strategy is a positive step towards Palestinian independence, or if it is merely an idealistic dream. 
Joy Merlino

Israel's Neighborhood Watch | Foreign Affairs - 0 views

  • Until a decade ago, every Israeli government, left and right, was committed to a security doctrine that precluded the establishment of potential bases of terrorism on Israel’s borders.
  • That doctrine has since unraveled. In May 2000, Israel's unilateral withdrawal from southern Lebanon led to the formation of a Hezbollah-dominated region on Israel’s northern border. Then, in August 2005, Israel’s unilateral withdrawal from Gaza led to the rise of Hamas on Israel’s southern border.
  • As a result, two enclaves controlled by Islamist movements now possess the ability to launch missile attacks against any population center in Israel. And Iran, through its proxies, is now effectively pressing against Israel's borders.
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  • For Israel's policymakers, the nightmare scenario of the recent Egyptian upheaval is that Islamists will eventually assume control
  • Until now, the Muslim Brotherhood has faced a sworn enemy in the Mubarak regime. But if it were to take control in Egypt, then Hamas, the Brotherhood's descendant within the Palestinian national movement, would suddenly have an ally in Cairo. Hamas has significance for the Arab world: it is the first Sunni Islamist movement to align with Shiite Iran. So far, Hamas has been an aberration in this regard. But it could be a harbinger of an Egyptian-Iranian alliance that would create an almost complete encirclement of Israel by Iranian allies or proxies.
  • At the very least, Egypt’s instability will reinforce the urgency of Israeli demands for security guarantees as part of a deal on a Palestinian state. Those demands will include a demilitarized Palestine, Israel’s right to respond to terror attacks, and an Israeli military presence along the Jordan River.
  • The Israeli centrist majority views a Palestinian state with deep ambivalence.
  • On the other hand, centrists see a Palestinian state as an existential threat to Israel. An unstable Palestinian state on the West Bank could fall to Hamas, just as Palestinian Authority–led Gaza did in 2007. Israel would then find itself “sharing” Jerusalem with an Islamist government, turning the city into a war zone.
  • In that balance between existential necessity and existential threat, Egypt’s unrest only heightens Israeli anxieties of a Palestinian state.
  • Even a relatively more benign outcome -- such as the Turkish model of incremental Islamist control, with the government maintaining ties to the West -- would mean the end of Israel’s sense of security along its long southern border. And this uncertainty will certainly adversely affect the Israeli public’s willingness to relinquish the West Bank anytime soon.
  • Contrary to much of the public reaction in other Western nations, President Barack Obama's instant abandonment of Egyptian President Hosni Mubarak, the United States’ closest ally in the Arab world, is being cited by Israeli commentators on the left and right as a warning against trusting the administration.
  • The Obama administration, along with much of the international community, has been motivated in its approach to the Middle East by two assumptions -- both of which have been proven wrong in recent days. The first is that the key to solving the Middle East's problems begins with solving the Palestinian problem. The second is that the key to solving the Palestinian problem is resolving the issues of the West Bank settlements and the status of Jerusalem.
  • The first premise was undone in the streets of Cairo.
  • Even if the Palestinian issue were to be somehow settled, the Arab world would still be caught in the shameful paradox of being one of the world's wealthiest regions and one of its least developed.
  • Moreover, as the WikiLeaks documents revealed, Arab leaders are far more concerned about the prospect of a nuclear Iran than about ending the Israeli occupation of the West Bank.
  • The second premise -- that settlements and Jerusalem are the main obstacles to an agremeent -- has been disproven by leaked documents from the Palestinian Authority published by Al Jazeera and The Guardian. Those documents reveal that on the future of Jerusalem's Jewish and Arab neighborhoods, Israeli and Palestinian negotiators were largely in agreement
  • Instead, the main obstacle remains what it has been all along: the Palestinian insistence on the "right of return" -- that is, the mass immigration to the Jewish state of the descendants of Palestinian refugees.
  • Olmert also rejected Palestinian demands that Israel accept blame for creating the refugee problem -- given that the 1948 war that led to the refugee tragedy was launched by Arab countries. And so Olmert's offer to withdraw from more than 99 percent of the territory was, in the end, a nonstarter, with the disagreements between the two sides about the refugee issue remaining irreconcilable.
  • All of which only underscores for Israelis the grim logic of developments in the region. With peace with Egypt suddenly in doubt -- a peace for which Israel withdrew from territory more than three times its size -- I
  • sraelis are wondering about the wisdom of risking further withdrawals for agreements that could be abrogated with a change of regime. Such a dilemma is all the more pressing when the territory in question borders Israel's population centers.
  • For Israelis, this is a time of watching and waiting. Despite conventional wisdom in the West that a Palestinian state needs to be created to contain the Islamist threat, Israelis believe the reverse to be true. Only in a Middle East able to contain the Iranian contagion can Israel afford to take the risk of entrusting its eastern border to a sovereign Palestine.
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    How does the conflict in Israel affect the future of Israeli children compared to Palestinian children? Halevi, Yossi K. Foreign Affairs. N.p., 1 Feb. 2011. Web. 8 Mar. 2011. . Summary: With the Muslim Brotherhood poised to gain control in Egypt, Israel sees itself as almost completely encircled by hostile forces. Is an Egyptian-Iranian alliance a possibility -- and where would this leave the future of a sovereign Palestinian state.  Reflection: This article has everything to do with the future generation of Palestinians & Israelis. Everything in the Middle East is changing and uncertain at the moment. The current state of Israel & the focus of its conflict is bound to change with these new developments. Especially given the actions of Iran after Mubarak's regime was dismantled. Israel, I am sure, is on high alert at the present, and we will have to wait and see if these new developments have an affect on Israel's borders and their status as an independent state. 
Joy Merlino

Testing the water - 0 views

  • THE PALESTINIAN STRUGGLE FOR national liberation lacks leadership and is currently on hold. What's left for Israel to sort out now are its Palestinian citizens, who comprise 20% of the population in Israel and are increasingly treated as a fifth column, discriminated against at every level.
  • The call for a state for all its citizens, for equality and full democracy, are demands that threaten the Zionist project of a Jewish state with exclusive rights for Jews, preferably without the indigenous Palestinian population.
  • The silent and semi-visible system of segregation, apartheid and racist policies placed against them since the establishment of the state of Israel is taking more aggressive, visible and vocal expression, both within the government and Israeli media.
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  • We are also witnessing an unprecedented and alarming rise in the submission of overtly racist bills that target Palestinians individually and collectively; calling for revoking their citizenship, limiting their political freedoms, banning them from marking the Palestinian Nakba (1948 catastrophe) and banning them from residing in Jewish towns, amongst other things.
  • Racist right-wing activists not only thrive in such an atmosphere but are also given the means to publicly target Palestinian citizens, frequently inciting violence and racism and provoke yet more dehumanising campaigns.
  • he march of the fascist group in Umm AL Fahem on 27 October was a case in point. The march was called for by the extreme right-wing organisation, Eretz Yisrael Shelanu, and supported by Michael Ben-Ari, an Israeli Knesset member from the National Union, an extreme far-right party.
  • He is a leading figure in the colonial movement in the West Bank, and has been sentenced to several prison terms for physical assaults on Palestinians.
  • Marzel is a former member of Cakh, a Jewish terrorist organisation headed by Rabi Meir Kahane, which called for the forced expulsion of the Palestinian population.
  • Cakh was outlawed in 1994, following the massacre of 29 Palestinians in Hebron by one of its members, Baruch Goldstein.
  • According to the organisers, they wanted to impress upon the residents of the town that they "are the landlords of the State of Israel" and called not only for outlawing the Islamic movement, which happened to be their chosen Arab 'enemy' of the day, but also for its expulsion from Israel.
  • Viewed by many as a deliberately provocative act, the march was nevertheless authorised by the Israeli Supreme Court, despite its history of incitement to violence.
  • In the online version of Yediot Aharonot, the second-largest daily publication in Israel, Marzel is quoted as saying: "nothing is more symbolic than the fact that on the day of the 20th anniversary of his murder, Rabbi Kahane's followers will continue his struggle against the Arab enemy."
  • The problem facing Palestinian citizens is not what Marzel and his ilk say: they are merely articulating what the government is not yet able to say. These small, partisan, fascist groups achieve their purpose by successfully organising media stunts such as the event in Umm AL Fahem. However, the real 'performance' was the one choreographed and directed by the official authorities, including the police.
  • Was the Israeli Supreme Court decision and the thousand-strong police presence, including their brutal confrontation with fellow citizens, only intended to protect the freedom of expression of a group that publicly incites violence against Palestinians and Arabs, and calls for the expulsion of Palestinian citizens? No, not entirely.
  • The 'performance' in Umm Al Fahem was a message to all Palestinian citizens and their leadership warning them to beware, telling them "you either accept Israel as a Jewish state, with exclusive rights for the Jews, and live with gratitude as second-class citizens, or we will crack down mercilessly", with transfer remaining a looming option.
  • n Umm AL Fahem, Marzel and his group were simply doing a job for the government with their attempt to demonise the Palestinian citizens as terrorists, this time taking the Islamic movement as their cause celebre, to 'legitimise' future government actions against them. In Umm Al Fahem, just as in Israel's operations in the West Bank and Gaza, where it has been escalating violence against the Palestinian communities in incremental doses, Tel Aviv is testing the ground in preparation for future, more aggressive operations to come.
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    Shiekh, Awatef. "Testing the water." The Middle East Jan. 2011: 22+. Student Edition. Web. 16 Feb. 2011. Summary: This article is talking about the racism that exists for the Palestinians living in Israel. It states that they are "discriminated against at every level." The government as well as the media are taking part in this visible discrimination. The freedom of Palestinians living in Israel is being limited by racist bills. Right-wing activists are publicly targeting Palestinians. An example of this is the group Umm Al Fahem.  Reflection:  We have heard about the seizing of Palestinian land, and the Israelis living in Palestine, but we do not often hear about the Palestinians living in Israel. According to this article, the treatment of Palestinians in Israel is horrible. There is open discrimination, not openly supported by the government, but definitely not stopped by it. In reality, the actions of the Palestinians towards the Israelis are not the only acts of violence. The Israelis act out as well, it is simply not brought to our attention as often.  Questions: 1) How will this affect the peace treaty negotiations? 2) How will this attitude of hatred affect the future generations? 3) Will the refugee negotiations be affected by this treatment? 4) How does this compare to how the Israelis living in Palestine are treated?
Joy Merlino

BBC News - Israeli presence on Palestinian land 'irreversible' - 0 views

  • Richard Falk said the peace process aimed at creating an independent, sovereign Palestinian state therefore appeared to be based on an illusion.
  • Nearly half a million Jews live in more than 100 settlements built since Israel's 1967 occupation of the West Bank and East Jerusalem. They are held to be illegal under international law, although Israel disputes this.
  • He said this undercut assumptions behind UN Security Council resolutions which said Israel's occupation of Palestinian territory in 1967 was temporary and reversible.
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  • Such assumptions are the basis for the current peace process aimed at creating an independent Palestinian state alongside Israel. This now appears to be an illusion, said Mr Falk.
  • He said he based his conclusion not only on the deepening expansion of Israeli settlements in the West Bank, but on the eviction of Palestinians from East Jerusalem, and the demolition of their homes.
  • But Mr Falk said both governments and the United Nations had failed to uphold Palestinian rights.
  • He urged the UN to support civil society initiatives, such as campaigns to sanction or boycott Israel for alleged violations of international law.
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    Plett, Barbara. BBC News. N.p., 22 Oct. 2010. Web. 16 Feb. 2011. . Summary:  This article is saying that israel's occupation of Palestinian land is irreversible. Israeli settlements have been illegally built in the West Bank and East Jerusalem. There was a UN security council resolution which stated that "Israel's occupation of Palestinian territory in 1967 was temporary and reversible." This is why the peace talks have been geared towards creating a Palestinian state alongside of Israel. Israel has demolished Palestinian homes in East Jerusalem, and continues to create settlements in the West Bank.  Reflection: This article is choosing to completely ignore the Palestinian-Israeli crisis, and focus entirely on Israel's land grab. While I do not believe that it is possible to look at one without the other, it is interesting to note that Israel was given a section of the Palestinian state, and has proceeded to take over more and more land over the years. It is now the Palestinians who do not seem to have a home land, instead of the Israelis. This is going to have an effect on the future generation of both Palestinians and Israelis. This will affect how they live, and how they view one another. If one side is growing up more privileged than the other, peace talks will go from difficult to near impossible.  Questions: 1) If an independent Palestinian state was created, where would the land come from? 2) Would they have to destroy Israeli homes? Would it turn into the same conflict that we are facing now? 3) According to this article, Israeli expansion is irreversible; what do we do with that knowledge? 4) How should we proceed with the peace talks? 5) What does this mean for the future generations of both states?
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