University of Johannesburg History 2A 2023

The abolition ordinance operated in a stagnant and unpredictable manner until the late 1920s, when pressure from overseas anti-slavery organisations resulted in amendments that made it more effective as a tool for legal status abolition.First, the preceding Ordinance was tightened by the Slave-dealing Abolition Ordinance of 1928.Second, the Reaffirmation of the Abolition of Slavery Ordinance of 1930 made it abundantly plain that "slavery in any form was unlawful and that the legal status of slavery did not exist."

Throughout the colonial era, the Gold Coast suffered from a shortage of colonial officials with professional legal training and expertise. The responsibility for carrying out the abolition decree passed to the DCs as the colonial state's political structures grew. Slavery cases were only heard by the DCs court beginning in the late 1870s.

The number of European and African administrators expanded throughout the first decade of the 20th century, and the work of the DCs changed from being mostly legal in nature to being entirely administrative. Detective Branches existed in the coastal cities of Accra, Cape Coast, and Sekondi by 1905. The most detectives with the highest ranks were located in Accra. The criminal statistics for 1905, which listed four slave-dealing instances in Accra and one in Cape Coast, may reflect this."With the help of more staff, provincial courts started taking up administration of the abolition ordinance. However, this had no discernible impact on how they conducted business.

In the Gold Coast, all available British resources were used to the fullest extent. Lack of colonial administrators constrained the British administration's geographic reach and resulted in a policy of accommodation with the Protectorate States, which encouraged slavery there. This was also the main reason that up until the early decades of the 20th century, the Colony was the only place where abolition laws were actually enforced. Up until the 1880s, the Basel Mission's fight to free slaves and pawns in Akyem Abuakwa had implicit assistance from the colonial authorities. The goal of colonial policy in 1958 was to "maintain political peace in the nation at all costs."59In the Praso and Voltaic regions, the British government followed a similar program. This allowed slave traders to continue transporting captives from inland ports of commerce into the Gold Coast long into the early 20th century.

How Africans reacted to the Ordinance and its effect on the success of the abolition is one significant area where the historiography is lacking. Africans did, in fact, cleverly adapt to the abolition ordinance's operation. Innovative tactics were used by slaveholders and dealers to thwart the abolition legislation, making it challenging for colonial officials to find slaves. The majority of enslavement incidents were reported to colonial authorities by either the slaves themselves or by African informants.

The interests of slave traders and owners were furthered by communal religious punishments and practices. Slaves were ritually forced to stay and keep from disclosing their servile position to colonial authority by making them take oaths and engage in a "drink fetish." For instance, in 1875, a holding took a liberated slave to "King Tackie to administer fetish oath so as to declare that she will not go back to the government. "A breach of the oath or the "fetish" would be disastrous, therefore this bonded the slave to the possessor. Again, it's hard to say how common this was. However, throughout Ghana's history, "fetish" and "oathing" sanctions have been effective social and political control mechanisms.

More than just a means of keeping slaves like Big George busy while they waited for the snow to thaw or the cotton to grow, farmers continually invested in land maintenance work. These actions were crucial to making the land usable and profitable. For example, ditching reduced the rate at which topsoil was lost from cultivated areas. Southern "dirt" washes away readily and leaves little nutrients behind since it is largely clayed, has smaller percentages of organic material, and base elements. After farmers cleared the ground of vegetation in order to prepare it for sowing, even light rainfall steadily eroded valuable topsoil, especially in regions with hillier topography, like central Georgia.

Shifting cultivation served as the cornerstone of Southerners' broad land use regime during the antebellum era. In plantation records and agricultural journals, this method-known as "clearing new ground"-meant that farmers routinely maintained a third of the land they owned or rented. Farmers built new fields as the old ones became tired by holding back the remaining land to be regularly cleaned and torched.

The unwillingness of Walston's hired laborers to complete chores like fixing fences without additional pay was not a separate labor conflict. Following emancipation, conflicting views of "free labor" held by landowners and former slaves led to disputes about worker autonomy and upkeep of the workplace. The process of determining, arranging, and choosing forms of tenure "was the result of assertion between farmers, who anticipated to reinstate large-scale and concentrated gang-system labor, and freedmen and poor whites, who appreciated economic autonomy," just as in British Guiana, East Africa, Jamaica, Brazil, and other post-emancipation societies within the world.

Over time, demands for the conditions of labor contributed to standardization as some agri-cultural tenure arrangements, including the half-share or cash tenancy, gained favor. By the 1870s, slack-time duties were less frequently included in contracts as part of agricultural cultivation. Landlords had to pay extra salaries or credit laborers' accounts for land upkeep tasks like dredging ditches, repairing fences, and clearing fresh ground. Except when it was included as part of the rent for a piece of land, contracts that stipulated laborers would "do all necessary repairs about the place" became substantially less common. While the timing of these modifications varied depending on the location, a survey of nearly 40 plantations across seven states showed a consistent trend.

Following liberation, changes in land use represented both the ability of freed slaves to manage their own labor and the new realities of the postoperative southern economy. But these modifications had negative and unforeseen ecological effects. Getting some autonomy in black laborers' employment required them to avoid burdensome chores that did little to raise their part of the harvest or benefit their designated plot, which was undoubtedly a crucial step. However, disagreements over who would arrange and pay for land upkeep led owners to let their perimeters deteriorate for a little while longer or let their ditches to fill up, adding to the ongoing issues of soil erosion and livestock damaging crops.

Regular discussions of the worsening soil quality crisis on cotton plantations were found in planters' records, agricultural periodicals, and other sources, but neglected land maintenance had other repercussions unrelated to erosion. For instance, the conflict over fence upkeep fueled a regional campaign to end the open range.

In the end, the introduction and development of agricultural contracts as a result of the social, political, and economic changes brought about by emancipation had an impact on the environment. The broad land use practices of the antebellum era were strengthened by the ecological system of slavery, but they were considerably undermined by its abolition. Reduced time spent on land maintenance (or clearing and maintaining the land), particularly in the lower South's cotton-growing districts, was one method it accomplished this. Ex-slaves anticipated that freedom would fundamentally revolutionize every area of their lives, and for many, this meant either completely forgoing agricultural labor or using their own property anyway they saw fit.

The paragraph discusses the European attitudes towards the social and political advancement of the local Malawian population, specifically in relation to the Scottish missionaries who had a gradualist understanding of the need for African advancement. The North Nyasa Native Association, the first Native Association in Malawi, was formed in 1912 and met in the reading room of the Livingstonia mission with the encouragement of the local missionary. This development highlighted the interaction between the church and the government, as African converts were beginning to make their voices heard in the social and political arena. For most of the first half of the 20th century, the local African population had no direct representation in government, and the appointment of missionaries to represent African interests in the Legislative Council was the nearest that Malawians came to this. This was seen as a two-edged sword, as it could be perceived as the missionaries aligning themselves with the colonizers, but it also consolidated the impression that the missionaries were constantly taking the side of the Africans. The emergence of the Native Associations from 1912 onwards provided a platform for political debate and a training ground for future political leaders. These movements represented the organization and opinions of a new educated elite, and since the Scottish missions (both Blantyre and Livingstonia) were pre-eminent in the provision of education up until the beginning of the Second World War, the Native Associations tended to be dominated by the products of a Scottish mission education. Many of the most active protonationalists were also critical of the theology and ecclesiology of the church itself and eventually broke away to form their own independent churches. In 1944, the various Native Associations came together to form the Nyasaland African Congress, and the first president was Levi Mumba, a product of the Livingstonia mission's educational system. Despite

The imposition of the Federation of Rhodesias and Nyasaland in 1953 was highly unpopular among local populations in Zambia and Malawi. The local opposition to Federation was seen as a back door to entrenched European political domination. The Scottish missionaries and local Christians were involved in incidents such as the Constitutional Amendment Act and the Federal Electoral Act in 1958, which increased the overall size of the Federal Legislative Council but held African representation steady at a total of four members for all three countries of the Federation. The Church of Central Africa, Presbyterian produced a lengthy statement on the growing unrest in the country and identified the causes of the growing political unrest in Malawi. The political importance of the statement was in the appeal it made in its last section to the Church of Scotland to consider their political responsibilities towards the people of Central Africa. The Church of Scotland waged a high-profile and effective campaign against the Central African Federation. By the late 1950s, the local CCAP had obtained its own independence, allowing local Malawian ecclesiastical leadership to cooperate with Scottish missionary influence

This paragraph discusses the dynamics and the role of the Church of Scotland in Malawi's independence, and the subsequent rise to power of Hastings Kamuzu Banda, who became increasingly authoritarian, banning all other political parties and making himself Life President of the Republic of Malawi. The Church of Scotland supported the break-up of the federation and the granting of Malawian independence, and several members of the first cabinet had been educated at Scottish mission schools. However, during the postcolonial era, the Church of Scotland was reluctant to criticize a head of state who claimed to be one of its own, and there was a reluctance to appear to be interfering in a newly independent state. The crisis that emerged shortly after Malawi's independence became a struggle between two different understandings of how the country should be run, and Banda used his position to force through his will, resulting in the resignation or dismissal of several members of his cabinet who had been educated by the Scots. Banda's increasing authoritarianism and the changing power base of the Malawi Congress Party meant that open criticism of his government became increasingly difficult in the 1970s and 1980s. Although there were a few brave voices raised from time to time, the institutional silence of the Presbyterian Church, to which several of these voices belonged, was almost complete. The CCAP as an institution (and all the other major churches in Malawi) failed to challenge the Banda government in the 1970s and 1980s.

Being 'tagged' by having all or a portion of one or both ears removed was a significant distinction in how abahuuku were treated and classified. This was first done to stop them from fleeing and blending in with the free Banyankore, who were identical in appearance and language to the slaves from surrounding districts. However, it is also obvious that "cutting the ear" was a humiliation tactic and a demonstration of the owner's total control over the omuhuuku's person.Abahuuku also had to perform the dehumanizing duty of accompanying his master during sexual acts and supporting him by "holding the thigh" of his partner, who was frequently a female slave (omuzaana).

The children of abazaana were the responsibility of the owner and would be raised as his children, not punished.

The second concern was whether the murder of pregnant, unwed Bahima women was motivated by disgrace and a loss of family honor or by purely economic considerations related to the family's loss of something valuable in bridewealth, particularly for the "favorite" brother who would now lose a substantial amount of his sister's bride wealth cattle which he would have utilized to find his own bride.

The minor impact of both the slave trade and slave raiding in the area matched the negligible commercial influence of Arab-Swahili trade on Ankoleslavery. Since the demand for slaves could be more easily met elsewhere, it appears that the main goal of the east coast traders who traveled to Nkore and its surrounding areas was to acquire ivory. Coastal traders gave cloth, cowrie shells, weapons, and powder in exchange for the ivory. However, only the wealthiest mainly and pastoral households were impacted by these items in Ankole cultures, which had a very shallow penetration.

Africa's discovery and colonization and nineteenth-century anti-slavery philosophy are frequently linked. Uganda was no exception, and during the latter half of that century, opposition to the slave trade was a key pretext for sending missionaries and officials to Uganda and its surroundings. Even Uganda's most pompous and eccentric early European explorers, such Henry Morton Stanley and Emin Pasha, found a handy ally in the anti-slavery movement.

Two colonial imperatives exacerbated the issue of the emancipation of slaves. The first was the requirement to strengthen collaboration relationships with the occupying power by supporting chiefs who had been nominated or acknowledged by the colonial administration.

The First World War and the enlistment of Banyankole as porters and manual laborers for the armed forces appeared to put an end to akashanjuto. As a rudimentary network of primitive roads and motorized transport was constructed, the economy's increased cash availability and the resulting decline in the demand for headporterage and road construction employees may have expedited its collapse. However, the post-war system known as ruharo would continue to be a significant source of demand for unpaid labor for many years.

. On the ships that transported West Indians and Europeans over the Atlantic, there was social and racial friction; the lengthy voyage, limited food, and cramped conditions roused tempers; whites accused blacks of being "puffed up," while Jamaicans were extremely sensitive to both real and imagined slights.

Dr. Samuel Hopkins, a Congregational minister in Newport, Rhode Island, who opposed slavery, suggested deploying African Americans to Africa as missionaries as early as the 1770s. The Missionary Society of Rhode Island established an African fund, and two black people-one a slave and the other free since birth-who both knew the "Guinea language"-were sent to Princeton to study theology.

people with African ancestry, but also from the beginning to West Africa.Throughout the nineteenth century, African American missionaries' persistent geographic focus was Africa. African nations held a special place in black Christians' understanding of the importance of evangelism as a result of the Second Great Awakening. The idea of "providential design" and "race redemption" recurred frequently and had a dual significance. African Americans would be fulfilling the Christian mandate to proclaim the gospel by participating in mission work, and they would also be demonstrating their value to the skeptic white constituency that mostly funded their trip to Africa. Some whites also adopted the notion that God's benevolent hand had been at work in African slavery.

The Baptist Foreign Mission Convention was eventually established by Southern Black Baptists in Montgomery, Alabama, in 1880, even though the organization served to further regional as opposed to religious concerns. With the establishment of the National Baptist Convention (NBC) fifteen years later, a certain level of black denominational unity was attained.

Training men and women for African missions was a priority for both African American and white-led congregations. A different goal of the African American missions was to invite Africans to the country to attend their new schools and receive an education.

The World's Congress on Africa was hosted by the Missionary Association in August 1893 in connection with the Chicago World's Fair. The industrial, intellectual, moral, and spiritual "progress" of Africa was the focus of talks at a subsequent Congress on Africa convened in Atlanta in late 1895.

There were many American responses to European colonial rule in Africa. Predictably, the majority of black missionaries regarded Africa through Western eyes and believed that imposing European control would assist spread Christianity throughout the Continent. However, there were also black mis-sionaries who opposed colonialism in general and particular colonial masters in particular.William Sheppard, Henry P. Hawkins, and their white colleague Samuel Lapsley, who all worked for the Southern Presbyterians, made the atrocities committed by the Congo Free State public.Sheppard was ultimately charged by the Free State authorities as a result.

There are obstacles in the way of transferring American Negroes to Africa.African American missionaries were encouraged to go to Africa with the backing of "responsible societies of recognized and well-established standing," according to the conference's guarded and circumspect proposal.The ringing endorsement that African American delegates had hoped for was far from being received.It was, however, the maximum that white foreign mission organizations were willing to provide. They had the same strong skepticism over specific African-American actions in colonial Africa. As a result, there were increasingly fewer African American missionaries in Africa throughout the interwar period.

Isandlwana was the Zulu victory because they defeated British army

The Anglo Zulu war was also seen as irrational because of the reason that led to the start of the war.

Looking at all the evidence it was very clear that white people were determined to wage war against the zulus