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nonjabulorsxabar

Nyasa Leaders, Christianity and African Internationalism in 1920s Johannesburg.pdf - 1 views

Nonjabulo xaba 222145034'' History 2A

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  • Over the decade of the 1920s, four Christian men from colonial Nyasaland (modern-day Malawi) stood at the forefront of urban South African society, reimagining Africa’s past and future in cosmopolitan, internationalist terms. They each, however, envisaged very different transformational processes and very different new dispensations. These differences were, above all, grounded in their divergent Christian beliefs. Clements Kadalie and George Wellington Kampara on the one hand were both Ethiopianist Christians, who believed that humanity had an obligation to usher in a ‘truly’ Christian and democratic society in the here and now. If necessary, this would mean toppling secular colonial authorities. On the other hand, John G. Phillips and J.R. Albert Ankhoma, as Zionist and Pentecostal Christians, believed that earthly society was fundamentally doomed until Christ’s eventual return. They closely aligned themselves with Britain’s ‘god-sanctioned’ imperial project in their pursuit of spiritual self-perfection and theocratic rule.
    • nonjabulorsxabar
      nonjabulorsxabar on 26 Apr 23
       
      Four Christian men from Nyasaland in the 1920s reimagined Africa's past and future in cosmopolitan terms, but each had divergent Christian beliefs. Clements Kadalie and GeorgeWellington Kampara believed humanity had an obligation to create a Christian and democratic society, while John G. Phillips and J.R. Albert Ankhoma believed earthly society was doomed until Christ's return
  • themselves within 1920s Johannesburg, but their Christian-informed beliefs meant their different visions of the future were diametrically opposed. While Kampara no doubt followed UNIA doctrine to herald Marcus Garvey as his modern-day Moses, anticipating that, either by boat or plane, ‘the Americans were coming!’, Ankhoma declared that the leader of his ‘British Israeli’ Pentecostal church was the world’s ‘Moses of the day’. 4 R ejecting Pentecostalism and Garveyism, Kadalie in contrast believed ‘that the salvation of the Africans in this country will be brought about through their own sweat and labour’. Adopting the Swahili name for Moses as his pen-name, he became Clements ‘Musa’ Kadalie. 5 Working through the intellectual biographies of these Nyasa men, this article demonstrates that whereas Phillips and Ankhoma worked within, and endorsed, existing logics of empire because of their Christian beliefs, Kampara and Kadalie rejected ‘ethnic’ and ‘nativist’ national identities to position themselves at the forefront of a future ‘New Africa’. In many ways, it is innately conservative to frame these men as ‘Nyasas’. All four men were born in the state that became Malawi in 1964, and each contested colonial categories in important ways. 6 Despite their common Tonga parentage, however, being a Nyasa was crucial to how these men were understood in 1920s Johannesburg. And, more importantly, it was central to how they consolidated and radically transcended state-based modes of identification. Each brief biography sets out who these Nyasas were, how they reimagined Africa’s past to integrate the continent within world history, and how their differing understandings of the international and the imperial influenced their politics of the future. Central Africans have generally been marginalised in the historiographies of black South African nationalism and black internationalism.
    • nonjabulorsxabar
      nonjabulorsxabar on 26 Apr 23
       
      The four Nyasa men, Kampara, Ankhoma, and Kadalie, were born in Malawi in 1964 and contested colonial categories in important ways. Despite their common Tonga parentage, being a Nyasa was crucial to how these men were understood in 1920s Johannesburg and how they consolidated and transcended state-based modes of identification. Their differing understandings of the international and imperial influenced their politics of the future. Central Africans have been marginalised in historiographies of black South African nationalism and black internationalism.
  • A New Babylon at the forefront of modernity in Southern Africa, 1920s Johannesburg was a motley metropolis of international immigrants and transnational Christian, Jewish, Muslim and Hindu networks. 8 Large numbers of Afrikaners, Zulu, Xhosa, Eastern European Jews, Britons, Basotho, Americans, Mozambicans, Chinese and Indians were already living and working in the city from the 1890s, and by the mid1920s mission-educated Nyasas were increasingly prominent as clerks, medicine men and domestic servants. In 1927, the Chamber of Mines-sponsored newspaper Umteteli wa Bantu complained that Nyasas had monopolised the city’s domestic service industry – a lucrative sector previously dominated by Zulu and Pedi. 9 In addition to well-known Nyasa leaders in black trade unions, Garveyite associations, and Ethiopianist, Zionist and Pentecostal churches, ‘[a]ll adherents’ of Johannesburg’s Watch Tower movement were also ‘from Nyasaland, Rhodesia and Northern Transvaal’– though, in marked contrast to the movement in Central Africa, the church in urban South Africa did little to trouble government officials. 10
    • nonjabulorsxabar
      nonjabulorsxabar on 26 Apr 23
       
      Johannesburg was a city of international immigrants and transnational Christian, Jewish, Muslim and Hindu networks, with mission-educated Nyasas increasingly prominent as clerks, medicine men and domestic servants. All adherents of Johannesburg's Watch Tower movement were from Nyasaland, Rhodesia and Northern Transvaal.
  • ...2 more annotations...
  • Pentecostal missionaries – directly influenced both by Zion City and the 1906 Azusa Street Revival in Los Angeles – also moved into Johannesburg during the first decade of the twentieth century, travelling through existing circuits of Ethiopianism, Zionism and older forms of nonconformity. They first formed the Apostolic Faith Mission (AFM) and, later, established branches of the ‘British Israeli’-influenced Apostolic Faith Church (AFC). 15 Based out of the Central Tabernacle in Bree Street, Johannesburg, from September 1908 and replicating the initial multi-racial and inter-denominational character of the Azusa Street Revival, the Pentecostal AFM looked to renew the entire Christian church, building on revivals within South Africa’s Dutch Reformed Church and attracting considerable numbers of Zionist converts through numerous divine healings, as well as other ‘gifts of the spirit’, such as speaking in tongues and rainmaking. During the 1920s, biblical imagery infused the street politics of ICU leaders, Communist revolutionaries, Garveyites and radical members of the ANC – as well Pentecostal and Zionist street preachers – who all promised different versions of a millennial new age. 16 All four Nyasa men were thus part of a broader shift in the religious and political landscape of Johannesburg, as South Africa became markedly more Christian, and black South African Christians became increasingly fragmented between mainline, Ethiopianist, Nazarite, Pentecostal and Zionist strands of Christianity. While in 1921 only 32% of rural black South Africans defined themselves as Christian and only 50,000 of some 1,300,000
    • nonjabulorsxabar
      nonjabulorsxabar on 26 Apr 23
       
      Pentecostal missionaries moved into Johannesburg during the first decade of the twentieth century, forming the Apostolic Faith Mission (AFM) and later the Apostolic Faith Church (AFC). They sought to renew the Christian church and attract Zionist converts through divine healings and other 'gifts of the spirit'. During the 1920s, biblical imagery infused the street politics of ICU leaders, Communist revolutionaries, Garveyites and radical members of the ANC.
  • By contrast, Beinart and Bundy have presented Kadalie, only a year later, in the aftermath of the original ICU’s fragmentation, as espousing a radical Afrocentric Christianity aligned with Ethiopianist churches. 51 While Kadalie was criticised for being erratic and anti-Christian by his numerous opponents, his relationship with Christianity points to very real tensions and contradictions in 1920s Southern Africa. He was certainly very critical of white missionaries, Pentecostal Christians, and ‘pie-in-the-sky’ theology, but this did not amount to agnosticism or outright atheism. In the same Lovedale speech cited above, Kadalie struck out at those accusing the ICU ‘of being anti-religious. On what facts this charge is based I do not even pretend to know’, and he consistently employed biblical images and motifs in his rhetoric – even going as far as to say that ‘I stood for God the Father, C for God the Son, and U for God the Holy Ghost’. 52 Like many contemporary Ethiopianist Christians, Kadalie continued to follow Presbyterian traditions at the same time as arguing for the existence of black angels and against the hypocrisy of white missionaries. Seeing Christianity as important means of recruiting members, he later regretted that given ‘the great mass of the Africans are religiously minded [...] many of our members did not approve of the behaviour of the secretaries’. 53
    • nonjabulorsxabar
      nonjabulorsxabar on 26 Apr 23
       
      Kadalie was a radical Afrocentric Christian aligned with Ethiopianist churches in 1920s Southern Africa. He was critical of white missionaries, Pentecostal Christians, and 'pie-in-the-sky' theology, but this did not amount to agnosticism or outright atheism. He continued to follow Presbyterian traditions while arguing for the existence of black angels.
mpho221178763

2019_Fargher_James_1014712_ethesis.pdf - 3 views

Alfred Mphuthi 221178763 History2A

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    • mpho221178763
      mpho221178763 on 26 Apr 23
       
      Warships were a necessity expand ones control of the Eastern coastal ports, as warships represents power
    • mpho221178763
      mpho221178763 on 26 Apr 23
       
      Warships were used as protection the the east African ports. If a country did not have them yet they owned ports, it gave rivals an opportunity to try and take them away.
  • In the summer of that year, HMS Lynx, a gunboat normally assigned to anti-slavery patrols, reported to the Aden Resident that a large number of Italian warships had been sighted outside of Assab. 214 As her captain had discovered, one of these vessels, the frigate Rapido, carried an expedition from the Italian Geographical Society which would be carrying out a survey in the hinterlands outside of Assab. 2
  • ...2 more annotations...
  • Maintaining the status quo in the Red Sea was a different matter.
  • ‘to afford protection to British subjects in case of need.
khosinxele

IO0700777346 (1).pdf - 1 views

Makhosi Nxele 222013423

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  • khosinxele on 26 Apr 23
     
    the trade in ivory
l222091943

CW0104577553 (1).pdf - 0 views

Lindiwe.S Mbatha

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l222091943

Conjure, Magic, and Power: The Influence of Afro-Atlantic Religious Practices on Slave ... - 1 views

Lindiwe.S Mbatha 222091943

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  • "teachers, doctors, prophets, conjurers" in determining the actions of North American slaves: Ignorance and superstition render them easy dupes to ... artful and designing men .... On certain occasions they have been made to believe that while they carried about their persons some charm with which they had been furnished, they were invulnerable. They have, on certain other occasions, been made to believe that they were under a protection that rendered them invincible .... They have been known to be so perfectly and fearfully under the influence of some leader or conjurer or minister, that they have not dared disobey him in the least particular. (p. 1
  • . Henry Clay Bruce (1969), a man who spent 29 years of his life as a slave in Missouri, Virginia, and Mississippi, recalled numerous "conjurors, who succeeded in duping their fellow-slaves so successfully, and to such an extent that they believed and feared them almost beyond their masters" (p. 52). Among slaves at least, conjurers were respected not solely because of the apprehension their powers inspired. In the words of W.E.B. Du Bois (1982), these spiritualists had multifaceted and multidimensional functions in the slave community; at any given time, the conjurer could be "the healer of the sick, the interpreter of the Unknown, the comforter of the sorrowing,
  • North America, the power of conjure was revered by both African- and American-born slave rebels in similar fashion. They seemingly believed, without question, the ability of these spiritualists to determine the outcome of a variety of events, including resistance movements, through arcane and supernatural means. This assessment runs counter to the claims of Eugene Genovese (1976) who argued that the presence of West Indian conjurers as insurrectionary leaders "could not be reproduced in the United States, except on a trivial scale
  • ...13 more annotations...
  • This was definitely the case in the 1712 New York City slave rebellion, which was the most serious slave disturbance up to that time in the British American colonies. It only involved about 28 insurgents; however, this relatively small band killed 10 Whites, wounded 12 others, and created a panic throughout the North American colonies (Aptheker, 1993, p. 173; Carroll, 1938, pp. 14-15). Among the key components in this rebellion was Peter the Doctor, a free African conjurer who rubbed a magical powder onto the clothing of the slaves to reportedly make them invulnerable. Thus emboldened, the rebels armed with swords, knives, and guns set fire to a building in downtown New York City and waited to ambush approaching Whites seeking to put out the blaze (Aptheker, 1993, p. 172; Sharpe, 1890,
  • British colonial authorities, this Obeah-man testified that he, along with his fellow practitioners, "administered a powder, which being rubbed on their bodies, was to make them invulnerable" (Schuler, 1970b, p. 375). Thus, in both the 1712 New York City revolt and the 1760 Jamaican conspiracy, powder was rubbed onto slaves imbuing them with special powers and giving them the confidence to rebel. A definite Akan-speaking presence can be found in the 1712 New York City revolt. Two of the three extant contemporary accounts of the uprising demonstrate tangible proof that Akanspeaking Africans pl
  • Boston News-Letter,
  • The plants, herbs, human blood, graveyard dirt, and other substances
  • Kormantin
    • l222091943
      l222091943 on 26 Apr 23
       
      what are karmantine is a river a stream a body of running water moving to a lower level in a channel on land?
  • some Negro Slaves here of ye Nations of Caramantee & Pappa plotted to destroy all the White[s] in order to obtain their freedo
  • nine rebels with obvious Akan day names, a young male slave by the name of Dick, owned by Harmanus Burger, performed a vital function during the course of the trials. Having been charged in the coroner's inquest with the murder of Henry Brasier on April 9, 1712, Dick along with Peter Vantilborough's Cuffee received immunity in return for services provided to the British Crown. Serving as an interpreter for the slaves who could not speak English-on several dates including April 11th, 12th, 14th, 16th, and 17th; May 7th and 27th; and June 4th-Dick's skills in that regard were drawn on in at least seven of the nine cases involving slaves with Akan day names. Joost Lynsen's Quacko,
  • e (Aduru Pa), malevolent medicine (adubone), or poison (aduto).
  • e 21 Africans facing criminal charges in connection with the uprising, 9 had Akan day names. Of the slaves accused of being involved in the revolt, 2 were named Cuffee, 4 were named Quacko, 1 was named Quashi, Quasi, and Amba, respectivel
  • that constitute the powder all contain an innate amount of supernatural forc
  • Western hemisphere derivatives-Vodun, Santeria, and Condomble-would play a similar role in other regions of the Americas. During the initial phases of the 1791 Santo Domingo slave uprising, for example, an individual known as Boukman Dutty, a Vodun high priest, was the initial leader who masterminded the revolutionary movement. Boukman had considerable influence among slaves, serving as both a religious figure and the headman of a plantation. The plan he
  • Bookman
  • The Aja-speaking Yoruba originated in a region of West Africa in which both variants of the Kwa language group (including Akan and Aja) were spoken and in which there was a great deal of cultural and commercial contact between the Akan and the Yoruba city-states. With this degree of cultural interplay and diffusion, it is conceivable that an Akan speaker would be well versed in the spiritual beliefs and practices of the Yorub
l222091943

Disease, Cattle, and Slaves: The Development of Trade between Natal and Madagascar, 187... - 1 views

Lindiwe.S Mbatha 222091943

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  • ions of South African trading relations with the rest of Black Af
    • l222091943
      l222091943 on 26 Apr 23
       
      they are little information in which we find speaking about south Africa people trade and the rest of black Africa.
  • , despite increasing evidence that they played a major role in both the formation and the erosion of African polities in the nineteenth
  • First it examines the background and commercial impact of animal diseases and natural blights in Southern Africa in the late nineteenth cent
  • ...50 more annotations...
  • ond, it analyzes the consequences of the subsequent cattle losses in South Africa, and notably Natal, by examining the huge demand that arose for imported cattle and the role of Madagascar as a major supplie
  • , it sets the cattle import trade in the context of commercial relations in general between Natal and Madagascar in the period 1875-1
  • The aim and object in life [for Africans] seems to be to accumulate cattle, rather than to accumulate money in the form of gold and silver; but in the ultimate analysis we see that cattle .. . takes the place of the banks
    • l222091943
      l222091943 on 26 Apr 23
       
      in ancient time wealthy was not measured by how much money do you have but it was, measured by what you have in your yard and how many cattle's you have they believe that money was worthless than cattle's
  • ir commercial impact has passed largely unremarked by historians, yet diseases were directly responsible in Natal for a marked stagnation in the cattle stock which, after increasing 24 percent between 1885 and 1889, fell by 8 percent in the following two yea
  • Africa in 1896-1897, cattle diseases and other natural blights were ravaging stock and causing immense concern to farmers and political
  • Cattle were also the primary, if not exclusive, form of capital accumulation for most Africans. Cattle diseases thus not only deprived African farmers of draft oxen to plow fields, supply manure, and transport goods, but also depleted their capital resources. -Kingon commented of the impact of East
  • involvement by South African cattle merchants in the Malagasy slave trade.
  • y diminishing rainfall. De Kiewet claims that between 1882 and 1925 South Africa suffered from a severe drought approximately every
  • One prevalent cattle disease in the late nineteenth century was Redwater (Babesiosis) which first appeared in Natal in 1870-1871, having been introduced by infected cattle fro
  • possible to maintain and the disease spread rapidly through Pondoland in the early 1880s to Kaffraria and the Cape Colo
  • By 1890 it affected all regions of South Africa, although in the highlands of the Orange Free State and the Transvaal the
  • .7 -Cattle mortality from Redwater was initially high, notable among imported European and Cape cattle, although it would appear that local stock developed a resistance to the disease following its most virulent phase in the summer of 1874
  • During the 1870s Redwater was joined by "Quarter-evil" or "Sponsick," an allied disease that attacked mainly young cattle of between one and three years of ag
  • entury.9 Another cattle disease prevalent in late nineteenth century South Africa was Lungsickness or bovine pleuropneumonia. Colenbrander claims that it was introduced in the 1850s
  • traders of disposing of their cattle in small numbers to Africans as they travelled.10 Anthrax and nagana were also present in th
  • s.11 In 1889 however, high cattle losses were caused by an outbreak of Fluke disease, known locally as "Slack" and elsewhere variously as Liver Rot, Coathe, Bane, and Sheep
  • s of Lungsickness and to a persistent drought. The latter had led to the failure of crops in 1888, depleting winter forage and therefore lowering cattle resistance to parasites
  • oxen in 1902 and 1903 - despite interruptions caused by the French imposition of a quarantine on all ships from Natal following the false rumor of an outbreak of plague at Durban. The influx of Madagascar cattle helped sustain the rapid rise in imports into Natal: in 1901 Africa, excluding South Africa, accounted for over one percent of Natal's total imports for the first time in fourteen years.35 East Coast Fever had the same general impact upon the South African economy as rinderpest, similarly generating a large demand for cattle imports.36 However, whereas Madagascar's geographical isolation saved it from rinderpest, the same was not true of East Coast fever. As Koch noted in his 1903 report : In Beira I was informed some time ago cattle were frequently brought there from German East Africa and Madagascar, and that the latter animals, especially ... from the South of the Island, soon became sick and died, while the cattle from the East African Coast and the Northern districts of Madagascar remained healthy.37 As soon as his findings became public, demand in South Africa for Malagasy cattle fell sharply, their value dropped, and imports plummeted. It would appear that following the spread of East Coast Fever, many cattle imported from Madagascar were ordered to be slaughte
  • ath of stock - in the 1890 drought 100,000 cattle died in the Transkei alone - and the spread of malnutrition and disease.14 Severe droughts created particularly favorable conditions for th
  • Southern Africa. The 1896 locust plague was also a major contributing factor in the rebellion that year in Bechuanaland, which had been particularly badly affected, as the main locust breeding ground was located on the edge of the Kalahari.15
  • The cattle stock of South Africa was thus considerable enfeebled by 1896 when it was hit by
  • maliland in 1889. Rinderpest subsequently spread rapidly south, reaching Uganda in 1890 and Zambia (Northern Rhodesia) by late 1892. The river Zambesi was the most effective barrier to its progress south, for the disease did not reach Zimbabwe (Southern
  • Cape before the end of 1896 and in late November 1897 Cape Town w
  • Consequently owners were frequently compelled to sell their cattle at ridiculous prises, rather than to keep them, and run
    • l222091943
      l222091943 on 26 Apr 23
       
      they were more scared of losing than cattle's than their money.
  • Accentuated by the effects of the 1897 drought, the rinderpest epidemic of 1896-1897 wrought havoc with the cattle stock of South Africa. In Mafeking 95 percent and in the Transkei an estimated 90 percent of cattle were killed by rinderpest. Overall it has been estimated that rinderpest caused an 85 percent mortality among unprotected cattle. Even in areas where inoculation was adopted, as in most of Cape Colony, 35 percent of cattle perished. Due to a variety of factors, African losses were much higher than those sustain
  • by 77 percent in 1897, compared to a decrease for white-owned stock of 48 percent. Subsequently white owned stock, increased although in 1898 the number of African-owned cattle decreased by a further 34 percent: Thus whereas Africans in Natal possessed 494,402 cattle in 1896, just over double the total white owned stock, by 1898 their cattle stock had plummeted to 75,842, or just under half the number of cattle owned by whites.18 A second epidemic of rinderpest hit South Africa in 1901, its impact accentuated by the demand for cattle established by the South African War of 18991902. Moreover, it was closely followed by an outbreak of East Coast Fever, a disease that caused as much destruction to cattle, albeit over a more extended period of time, as rinderpest. East Coast Fever first attracted the atten
  • uth Africa occurred at Komatipoort and Nelspruit in M
  • 00 - the first recorded cases in South Africa occurred at Komatipoort and Nelspruit in May 1902. Its progress south was slower than rinderpest ,but by 1904 it affected most of the Transvaal from where it spread to Natal. In 1910 it crossed into the Transkei and within a few years all of South Africa was affected. The similarity of East Coast Fever to Redwater initially led to it being termed "Rhodesian Redwater," an indication of its supposed origins. As with rinderpest, specialists found the disease difficult to contend with and theories on preventative measures and treatme
  • 19 Thousands
    • l222091943
      l222091943 on 26 Apr 23
       
      this graph is showing the numbers of infected cattle's which was first recorded in at the end of 1900 which occurred in Komati port
  • nfected imported cattle to the non-immune stock of the interior and to foreign cattle imports.21 In 1903 an inoculation program was started in Zimbabwe, while the following year the government of Natal voted ?2,000 to assist its farmers in the erection of cattle dipping tanks. Nevertheless by 1905 East Coast Fever had spread throughout all the lowveld districts of South Africa, and incidences of the disease were reported on the highveld at Marico, Germiston, and Boksburg. Although it appeared to vanish quickly, outbreaks reoccurred in 1906 in the Natal districts of Paulpietersburg, Ngotshe, Vryheid, Nongoma, and Mahlabatini. The disruption caused by the Zululand rebellion of that year - a revolt in which cattle losses might well have been a formative cause further facilitated the spread of the disease; by March 1910 it had reached Eastern Griqualand via the Umzimkulu district, and by 1912 had spread through the Transkei (where of 158,884 cattle inoculated against the disease by 1914 only onethird survived) to affect the
  • The Import of Cattle into Natal The persistence in Natal of disease and natural blights ensured a chronic dearth of cattle and, as the latter constituted such an important element in the local economy, especially in agriculture and transport, imports were encouraged to build up depleted stock, notably in the periods 1875-1882, 1890-1892, and 1896-1909, as shown in Table 1, below. Some cattle were imported from as far afield as Argentina and Australia, but the nearest source of cattle considered undiseased was the large Indian Ocean island of Madagascar, separated by 200 miles from Mozambique at the closest point, and boasting a high bovine population. Madagascar rarely accounted for less than 80 percent of all oxen imported into Natal between 1875 and 1909, comprising 100 percent of such imports in 1878-80, 1884, 1890/91-1891/92, and 1904. Malagasy oxen first entered Natal in 1875, although their import was subsequently halted until 1878 due to the imposition of a strict quarant
  • The persistence in Natal of disease and natural blights ensured a chronic dearth of cattle and, as the latter constituted such an important element in the local economy, especially in agriculture and transport, imports were encouraged to build up depleted stock, notably in the periods 1875-1882,
  • s.27 Despite regular veterinary inspections which slowed the process of importation, the profits to be gleaned tempted seven Natal firms to engage in the trade in the perio
  • Between 1883 and 1897 very few cattle were imported into Natal, Malagasy oxen only being imported in any number during the years 1890/91-1891/92 (a total of 175) when it is possible that only one Natal merchant, Beningfield & Son, was involved. Imports of
  • the price o
  • Bay, at the strikingly low price of ?1.6 a head.32 Likewise, Natal merchants looked to Madagascar to replenish their stocks. Oxen from Madagascar proved consistently cheaper than those imported from other sources, the sole exception being in 1902 when 673 oxen were imported from Britain at under ?2.00 a head. It was therefore to Madagascar, despite the history of cattle infections there, that Natal merchants turned. Moreover, the demand came from white and black farmers alike. Although the fortunes of African farmers were sharply reduced by cattle losses, forcing considerable numbers of African males to seek wage
  • Accentuated by the effects of the 1897 drought, the rinderpest epidemic of 1896-189
  • t of Natal's total imports for the first time in fourteen years.35 East Coast Fever had the same general impact upon the South African economy as rinderpest, similarly generating a large demand for cattle imports.36 However, whereas Madagascar's geographical isolation saved it from rinderpest, the same was not true of East Coast fever. As Koch noted in his 1903 report : In Beira I was informed some time ago cattle were frequently brought there from German
  • associated with the cattle trade was the trade in hides. Colenbrander indicates that cattle mortality in Natal and adjoining regions boosted exports of cattle hides. The Natal Blue Books show that between 1871 and 1899, the export of ox and cow hides peaked in 1875, 1880, 1882, 1884-1886, 1889, 1891-1895, 1897, and 1899, while exports of sheep, goat, and calf skins peaked in 1874, 1885, 1894, and 1897. The dramatic rise in hide and skin exports in 1897 is evident reflection of the impact of rinderpest
  • For example, Ballard claims that as a result of rinderpest and a locust plague, the maize and sorghum crop declined by between 24 and 98 percent in fifteen out of the twenty-four Natal administrative districts in 1895-1896.39 This combined with the rapid expansion or urban mining centers meant that by 1899 South Africa was generally no longer self-sufficient in food. Competition from foreign suppliers grew as freight rates declines due to improved transport facilities, in the form of ocean steam ships and the rapid extension inland of railways. The result was an increase in imported wheat, maize, vegetable and dairy products. Madagascar emerged as an important supplier of both maize, a staple food crop in Natal, and beans in the periods 1877-188
  • In contrast to imports into Natal from Africa (excluding South African territories), Madagascar was a marginal consumer of Natal's exports to Africa - of which it generally accounted for less than 10 percent except in the decade 18781888, when it fell below 10 percent in 1884 and 1886-1887 due largely to the economic effects of the Franco-Merina War of 1882-1885.42 Madagascar's greatest share of Natal's exports was in 1878 (35 percent) and 1881-1883 (25, 22, and 29 percent respectively). Conditions in Natal also affected the region's export performance, particularly during the South African War of 1889-1902 when, in marked contrast to its imports from Africa (which rose appreciably), its exports to Africa declined. Indeed, conditions of trade for the entire period 1898-1904 were considered abnormal, the customs collector in 19
  • n some cases at ridiculously low prices - on to markets already overstocked owing to the too sanguine expectations of merchants, all tended seriously to disturb the ordinary conditions of trade. Indeed, to so great an extent was this the case that only now ... can the trade of the country be considered to have reverted to anything like normal conditions. 43 Malagasy cattle comprised two breeds: a European humpless variety and the more common Zebu. Although the main grazing lands of the island were the southern and western plains where cattle-raising was the chief occupation of the Bara, Mahafaly, Antandroy, Tsimihety, and Sakalava peoples, most cattle exported from Madagascar were until the 1860s shipped from Merina-controlled regions, notably from the major port of Toamasina, on the north east coast, to the Mascarenes. Elsewhere cattle were exported to Mozambique, primarily from Mahajanga and Morondava on the west coast, whilst a multitude of small ports provided oxen to provision passing ships. The demand
  • ered an average 20 percent loss in cattle en route compared to an average of ten days' sail from the southwest to Durban and a 9 percent cattle mortality en route.45 Second, by sailing to independent reaches of Madagascar, Natal merchants avoided middlemen costs imposed by the Merina. Taxes raised by local chiefs in the southwest of Madagascar varied in amount and value but, as Stanwood, the US consular agent in Morondava, noted in 1880, "Duties in Sakalava ports are paid per ship a fixed amount in and out, no two ports are alike in this respect, Tullia [Toliara] being the highest and Maintirano the lowest, but none come up to the 10 of the Hovas [ie. Merina]."46
  • gascar. Rum constituted the greater part of such imports until the French takeover
  • ottons, the staple export from Natal to Madagascar in the 1877-1894 period, were not only consumed as clothing, but also constituted the main commodity currency outside the main Merina-controlled commercial centers.47 The Malagasy market was of considerable importance to Natal, consuming never less than 23 percent of its cotton exports between 1887 and 1889, with a high point of over 60 percent from 1885 to 1888. This was particularly marked in plain and in printed and dyed piece goods; Madagascar accounted for over 75 percent of Natal's exports of plain cotton exports in 1878, 1883, and 1885-1888, and of its printed and dyed piece goods in 1882 and 1885-1889. All cotton pieces were re-exports from Britain or India. Ready-made clothing was also a considerable export to the island, almost rivaling cotton
  • nd 1879 (to 16 and 19 percent respectively). Another significant export from Natal to Madagascar was arms, notably muskets and rifles, bullets/balls and gunpowder. In 1878 for instance, McCubbin, the largest importer of Malagasy oxen into Natal, sought a gunpowder export license from the Natal government for his Madagascar trade. The request was refused but export licenses for arms were granted during the 1880s Franco-Merina conflict. For example, in 1882 A.C. Sears, captain of the American bark the Sic
  • ,
  • Cottons and arms imported into west Madagascar played a significant role in the Malagasy slave trade. First, arms were used by Malagasy slavers to procure slaves in the interior of the island. Second, arms and cottons formed the chief means of payment for slaves. For instance, 81 percent of the price paid for slaves in Toliara in the mid-1880s comprised gunpowder and arms, and approximately ?9,995 in arms and ?1,419 in cotton piece goods was imported annually into St. Augustin Bay to pay for slave exports.50 It is probable that the majority of the cottons and some of the arms were supplied from Natal, and the Natal merchants became involved in the slave trade. Madagascar played
  • slave trade. Maintirano was the focal point for this trade, possibly 30 percent of all slave imports into Madagascar, and a good percentage of slave exports from the island, passing through the
  • oned on Nosy Ve, which in 1887 was described as "nothing but a slaving station" serving R6union.54 Thus most of the Natal merchant houses involved in importing Malagasy oxen were involved directly or indirectly in the Malagasy slave trade. In this context it is highly interesting to note that both Beningfield and Snell were heavily involved in shipping workers and goods between Natal and Delagoa Bay and Inhambane, and were therefore quite possibly directly involved in the trans-Mozambique Channel slave traffic.55 However, the opportunity cost of establishing direct contact with the supplier could prove great, for the absence of an established group of commercial intermediaries created an unstable context for trade. After negotiating a passage through the reef that characterized the southwest coast, foreign traders contact
LIYEMA MTOLI

Sir Bartle Frere's visit in East Africa (1872-1873) - 2 views

go.gale.com/...retrieve.do

Slavery

shared by LIYEMA MTOLI on 26 Apr 23 - No Cached
  • LIYEMA MTOLI on 26 Apr 23
     
    This article serves to show the steps that were taken regarding the abolition of slavery in East Africa, Zanzibar, since the visit of Sir Bartle Frere (1872-1873). The objective of Sir Bartle's visit was to negotiate new and more stringent treaties for the suppression of slave trade, but he also expressed his great disappointment that his negotiates were not well carried out efficiently.
LIYEMA MTOLI

Sir Bartle Frere visit in East Africa (secondary source) - 3 views

www.jstor.org/...3020319

History 2A Slavery_'_' liyemamtoli

shared by LIYEMA MTOLI on 26 Apr 23 - No Cached
  • LIYEMA MTOLI on 26 Apr 23
     
    From page 24 onwards, this documents takes us through the events of Sir Bartle's visits in Zanzibar, as well as puts in depth his negotiations and what he does for persuasion.
  • cinderellaochu on 11 May 23
     
    Hi Mtoli, this source is not shared properly. It says "log in through your library". It appears you did not access the site through the UJ database, using your UJ details.
keciatshebwa

The Blantyre missionaries: discreditable disclosures.pdf - 3 views

Kecia Tshebwa

shared by keciatshebwa on 26 Apr 23 - No Cached
  • keciatshebwa on 26 Apr 23
     
    The Secondary source annotated gives an historical account of The Blantyre mission for those who had many notions and perceptions about it. Delving into its start, its progression and then latter overturn of the missionaries ill treating the natives and then the efforts by the Scottish Church Society to redirect the Mission.
LIYEMA MTOLI

The end of slavery in Zanzibar - 2 views

www.jstor.org/...715182

History 2A Slavery liyemamtoli

shared by LIYEMA MTOLI on 26 Apr 23 - No Cached
  • LIYEMA MTOLI on 26 Apr 23
     
    This reading piece is a mere visual on how Sir Bartles visit in Zanzibar eventually lead to the abolition and illegalisation of slave trade.
  • cinderellaochu on 25 May 23
     
    This is uploaded incorrectly.
keciatshebwa

The East Central African Question - 4 views

Kecia Tshebwa

shared by keciatshebwa on 26 Apr 23 - No Cached
  • V. BRITISH OCCUPATION OF THE LAKES ~EGION.--In obedience to the last wishes of Livingstone, our countrymen established the African Lakes Company, Limited (Glasgow), and took up the work he had initiated, and for which he died; and British Missions sprang up in his track. British subjects have thus invested large sums of money in developing the resources of the Lakes l~egion, and tlave freely given their lives in the cause of native 'emancipation. No other nation has laboured in the same field. According to official estimates, no less a stun than £400,000 has been thus expended. The Zambesi Expedition cost over £30,000 ; the Scottish Missions have expended some £100,000; the English Universities Mission about £50,000; the Commercial Companies some ~200,000; and the balance of £20,000 is probably not in excess of the expenditure of private indi- viduals in these parts. The Scottish Churches have 50 representatives in aetuai and lawful occupation of land, the English Universities Mission some 18 representatives, and the AMean Lakes Company over 25. The Church of Scotland has its centre of operations at Blantyre; the Free Church of Scotland in Nyassa Land; the English Universities Mission, with its headquarters at Zanzibar, joins the Missions on the Lakes; Messrs. Buchanan Brothers have plantations at Zomba (where the British Consuh~te is situated); and the African Lakes Company have stations throughout the entire Lakes route, from the coast to the southern .~hores of Tanganyika. The Scottish Churches have been at work there for twelve years, and the English Universities Mission for twenty-six years. A British Consul is attached to Nyassa.
    • keciatshebwa
      keciatshebwa on 26 Apr 23
       
      A further explanation on the geographical and agricultural planning for the Blantyre mission - The influence and work of The Scottish Church in expanding th knowledge of Christ in the East of Africa.
  • The result of these agencies has been (1) to open up a fine route into Central Africa; (2) to create legitimate commerce, and to employ native labour ; (3) to ameliorate the condition of the natives; and (4) to check the slave-trade, tribal wars, and barbarous practices.
LIYEMA MTOLI

TIFFANY AND FRANCIS ARTICLE - 4 views

www.tandfonline.com/...j.1540-6563.1992.tb00885.x

History 2A SLAVERY LIYEMAMTOLI 221084066

shared by LIYEMA MTOLI on 26 Apr 23 - No Cached
  • LIYEMA MTOLI on 26 Apr 23
     
    This is furthermore information that delves deep into the visit of Sir Bartle Frere in Zanzibar, 1873 from Taylor and Francis. This article does not only tell us about the arrival of Sir Bartle Frere, but also shows other parties that how they were involved, as well as their role in the mission of Sir Bartle Frere.
  • ...1 more comment...
  • cinderellaochu on 06 May 23
     
    This source is not shared correctly. It only shows the page preview.
  • LIYEMA MTOLI on 18 May 23
     
    Events that lead up to Sir Bartle Frere's visit to propose slavery abolition in Zanzibar. Sir Bartle Frere was not the only person who was against slave trade in Zanzibare, this article gives more information on what happened.
  • cinderellaochu on 25 May 23
     
    This is also uploaded incorrectly.
lesego131118

Correspondence Respecting Sir Bartle Frere's Mission to the East Coast of Africa - Docu... - 1 views

go.gale.com/...retrieve.do

Lesego Nkgwesa History 2A

shared by lesego131118 on 26 Apr 23 - No Cached
    • lesego131118
      lesego131118 on 26 Apr 23
       
      This is the page which shows the extension of the missionary tours into the East Africa.
  • ujhistprof on 17 May 23
     
    No it does not. It shows a title page about Sir Bartle Frere.
LIYEMA MTOLI

SLAVE TRADE EAST AFRICA SULTAN OF ZANZIBAR SIR BARTLE FRERE ARABIA SLAVE HISTORY - 3 views

www.dantibo.com/index.php

History 2A Slavery liyemamtoli

shared by LIYEMA MTOLI on 26 Apr 23 - No Cached
  • LIYEMA MTOLI on 26 Apr 23
     
    This is an image, or rather illustration relating to the mission of Sir Bartle Frere in Zanzibar in 1873.
LIYEMA MTOLI

Article on the visit of Sir Bartle Frere - 3 views

www.zanzibar-travel-guide.com/bradt_guide.asp

History 2A Slavery liyemamtoli 221084066

shared by LIYEMA MTOLI on 26 Apr 23 - No Cached
  • LIYEMA MTOLI on 26 Apr 23
     
    This is an external article that clearly explains the ins and outs of Sir Bartle's 1873 visit to Zanzibar.
lesego131118

https://www.jstor.org/stable/pdf/3020319.pdf?refreqid=fastly-default%3A8a418b731158e11b... - 1 views

www.jstor.org/...3020319.pdf

Lesego Nkgwesa History 2A 221017830

shared by lesego131118 on 26 Apr 23 - No Cached
    • lesego131118
      lesego131118 on 26 Apr 23
       
      By mid-1872 it had ben decided that a special mission, led by Sir Bartle Frere, would go to Zanzibar to negotiate a new treaty with Bargash. He was appointed Governor of the Cape Colony in 1877 after having classifying himself as an imperial administrator in India and Zanzibar.
radingwanaphatane

Firearms in Africa: an introduction.pdf - 1 views

History 2A History2A PM RADINGWANA 220165865

shared by radingwanaphatane on 26 Apr 23 - No Cached
  • In Africa this was very limited. Powder and shot were produced, and guns were repaired, but we have only found reference to the manufacture of complete weapons in relatively few and late instances. This contrasts markedly with the manufacture of guns in India, Afghanistan, China, and Japan. 1 In assessing this fact, technical skill is not the only factor of importance. It may be that arms were only manufactured where cheap imports were not available, and that manufacture, whether in West Africa or China or Afghanistan, was more an indication of embargo than of technical competence. 2
  • It is not certain if gun-flints were ever cut on a commercial basis in Africa; even in America there never seems to have been any regular gun-flint industry. Until 1800 France led the world in gun-flint trading, but by 1837 the flint-knappers of Brandon in England claimed a worldmonopoly. Black flints were best, but Brandon had different qualities. In 1865 their 'common African gun-flint' sold at is. o,d. or as. per thousand, while other varieties cost up to 5s. per thousand.
  • Dane guns' seem to have been originally bought by the Danes in Germany; in Birmingham they took orders for 'guns called sham Danish'. 7 Some Birmingham gunmakers stamped their guns 'London', while Belgians used Birmingham trade names, slightly misspelt. 8 In 1892 Belgian gunmakers told their government that Liege products would not sell in Africa 'unless they are marked with the English proof mark'. 9 This could be arranged quite legally; in 1890 Birmingham produced 176,000 Africa barrels of which 100,000 were duly proof-marked and then sold to be finished in Belgium with Belgian locks and stocks. 10 Finally, in the 1890s there was a small factory in Spain 'in which they made cheap imitation Winchester rifles', complete with patent numbers, mainly for the African market. 11 But however misleading the markings or vague the reports, it should still be possible to draw general and valid conclusions from contemporary mentions of firearms
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