he Gun War, also known as the Basuto War, was an 1880-1881 conflict in the British territory of Basutoland (present-day Lesotho) in Southern Africa, fought between Cape Colony forces and rebellious Basotho chiefs over the right of natives to bear arms
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Basuto Gun War | Military Wiki | Fandom - 2 views
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Conflict or rather the war between the two parties was caused by the Cape Colonies refusal for blacks Africans to be in the possession of firearms.
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880 as the date for surrendering weapons.
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territory remained essentially autonomous in the early years of colonial rule
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demanded that all natives surrender their firearms to Cape authorities
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1879 Peace Protection Act
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act required all weapons to be turned in to the magistrate who decide whether or not the Basutos should own them.
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British protectorate
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basically a country or state that was under the protection of the British empire for defence against aggression and other violations of law.
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lonial Cape forces sent to put down the rebellion suffered heavy casualties, as the Basotho had obtained serviceable firearms from the Orange Free State and enjoyed a natural defensive advantage in their country's mountainous terrain.
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geographic location of the Basutos was an advantage to them because of the mountainous topography but also they had well functioning guns that they used as protection against the enemy.
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guerrilla warfare
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, ambushing
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irregular war fair where a group of combatants use military tactics like raids, ambushes and hit and run tactics to fight another group
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d cavalry
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he land remained in Basotho hands and the nation enjoyed unrestricted access to firearms in exchange for a national one-time indemnity of 5000 cattle.
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Missionaries and the Standardisation of Vernacular Languages in Colonial Malawi, 1875-1... - 4 views
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In the 1920s, studies conducted by the LM, Blantyre Mission (BM), Universities’ Mission to Central Africa (UMCA) and DRCM missions were important in engendering an understanding of the relationships between language groups in Nyasaland
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Dorothy Tembo wrote about the mission including the Blantyre mission of which happened mostly in the Eastern Africa in a country of Malawi to spread dominance and convert people into adopting ideologies, beliefs and religion..
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The vernacular Bible translation projects introduced by missionaries are an excellent example of these negotiations and are one of the lasting legacies of mission work in Africa. To a large extent, the success of mission work was depended upon missionaries’ willingness and ability to learn vernacular languages and to sympathise with African culture.
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the spread of Christianity was depended on missionaries that were able to interact with people to properly communicate of which was vital in spreading the religion in a language people understood.
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Another effect of translation work on African traditional societies can be observed in the missionaries’ attempt at homogenising African languages and culture.
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Missionaries attempted to spread Christianity but did not violate the cultures that people already held.
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It is also important to note that the language arising out of interactions between Christianity and vernacular language would be a ‘rich and noble language’, highlighting the belief that that the vernacular languages were inadequate. Most certainly, missionaries believed that the association with Europeans and reducing the languages into its written forms would ‘improve’ the vernacular languages and make them suitable for mission work.
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missionaries used Christianity to form a bond withy native languages and thus come out with a common language that would beneif6t everyone.
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The first meeting of the translation committee was held in May 1900, attended by representatives from the BM, LM, DRCM and ZIM. 43 Conspicuously missing from the list of representatives was the UMCA, who refused to be party to the translation board.
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the Blantyre missions was one of the representatives that fostered for the spread of Christianity and aimed at initiating projects that will uplift the lives of indigenous people.
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Eventually, Yao, Tumbuka, Nyanja and Tonga became associated with specific missions, and because the missions served distinct regions, these languages gradually became common languages for their respective regions. Tumbuka language was associated with northern Malawi and LM, Chewa/Nyanja was associated with the central region and the DRCM and Chewa/Nyanja and Yao became associated with the southern region and the BM. Despite this, usage of Chewa/Nyanja Bible was common across all regions.
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Blantyre mission was associated with Malawi so therefore in that region that shared common languages of which allowed Christianity to spread throughout Africa.
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They understood that their common language project necessarily cut out the older generations from salvation. Most young people learned Nyanja or Tumbuka at mission schools and did not face difficulties attending church and related mission activities.
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the mission helped people to learn and be able to develop individually through Christianity missions in schools.
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1 In the 1950s and 1960s mission educated Africans were influential in African resistance movements leading to the decolonisation of Malawi.
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missions of Christianity allowed people to develop their own sense of belonging and identify thus oppressing colonial rule.
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guns in south africa in 1800s - Google Search - 2 views
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WO 32/7773: Overseas: South Africa (Code 0(AU)): Zulu War: General Wolseley on Disposit... - 3 views
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WO 32/7773: Overseas: South Africa (Code 0(AU)): Zulu War: General Wolseley on Disposition of Forces to Capture
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Battle of Isandlwana (1879) * - 1 views
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The Battle of Isandlwana, January 22, 1879, was the first engagement of the Anglo-Zulu War
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this gives an idea of what exactly theis war was Isandlwana is translated "little house" in the zulu language
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From the 1840s through the 1860s however, British (and Boer) power gradually increased as Zulu military control grew weaker.
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provoked a war with the Zulu,
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22nd January 1879 the British invaded Zululand
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By the end of the battle the British had lost around 1,300 of their force of 1,800 while the Zulus suffered a relatively light loss of around 1,000 men.
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this shows how powerful the Zulu kingdom was, and goes to show how their war tactics worked. regardless of the British having competitive advantage because they had guns, the Zulu kingdom did not budge.
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untitled.pdf - 3 views
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‘Fighting Stick of Thunder’: Firearms and the Zulu Kingdom: The Cultural Ambiguities of Transferring Weapons Technology
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this article also speaks on firearms in southern Africa specifically south africa, however, this time unlike the other source it focuses on firearms in accordance with the Zulu kingdom and how they are used as the previous article from Taylor and Francis generally talked about it in south africa and how they used it for trade and hunting.
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This paper investigates the reluctance of the nineteenth-century Zulu people of southern Africa fully to embrace fi rearms in their war-making, and posits that this was an expression of their military culture
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basically saying that the paper will talk about why south africans did not embrace using guns in their wars.
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ecause fi rearms were prestigious weapons, monopolized by the elite, or professional hunters, Zulu commoners had little opportunity to master them and continued to rely instead on their traditional weapons, particularly the stabbing-spear
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because firearms were only owned and used by the elite or professional hunters it was hard for Zulu commoners to get their hands on them and so used their traditional weaponry.
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n so, cultural rather than practical reasons were behind the rank and fi le’s reluctance to upgrade fi rearms to their prime weapon.
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to unpack the Zulus’ own perception of their heroic military culture, it is argued that, because of the engrained Zulu cultural consensus that only hand-to-hand combat was appropriate conduct for a true fi ghting-man, killing at a distance with a fi rearm was of inferior signifi cance, and did not even entail the ritual pollution that followed homicide and the shedding of human blood. Only close combat was worthy of praise and commemoration.
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in the zulu culture, it is of inferior significance that zulu fight with firearms as they believe that they should fight through hand to hand
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In his recent, richly nuanced study, Guns, Race, and Power in Colonial South Africa, William Kelleher Storey argues that, in the context of growing colonial cultural and economic infl uence, as well as of expanding political control in South Africa, ‘guns were useful commodities that people linked to new ways of thinking and behaving’. 2
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this here helps link my Taylor and Francis article which is the one that is highlighted. in this line taken from the article is says that the way in which guns were used by the South Africans affects how they behave for instance in this passage they used guns to kill in wars or fights whereas, in the other article, it talked about the usage of guns for trade and hunting.
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By contrast, in South Africa, the spread of guns was far slower because of the sheer, vast extent of the sub-continent’s interior and its lack of ports
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The Zulu required some time to become accustomed to the white’s fearsome muskets.
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So, if we are to attempt to grasp what Zulu military culture entailed, and the tentative part fi rearms played in it, we must approach the matter as best we can from the Zulu perspective
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As we have already learned from Singcofela, killing at a distance with a gun was of quite a different order from killing with an ‘assegai’, the short-hafted, long-bladed iklwa or stabbing-spear. The iklwa was used only at close quarters, when an underarm stab — normally aimed at the abdomen — was followed, without withdrawing, by a rip. In 1929, Kumbeka Gwabe, a veteran of the Anglo-Zulu War of 1879, remembered how at the battle of Isandlwana he killed a British soldier who fi red at him with his revolver and missed: ‘I came beside him and stuck my assegai under his right arm, pushing it through his body until it came out between his ribs on the left side. As soon as he fell I pulled the assegai out and slit his stomach so I knew he should not shoot any more of my peop
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this tells us that in the zulu perspective, the guns did not work the same as the Assegai that allowed the veteran to strike the enemy with it .
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This was the weapon of the hero, of a man who cultivated military honour or udumo (thunder), and who proved his personal prowess in single combat
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it was more honorable for the veteran to use traditional weapons than a gun to kill and that is why south Africans had reluctance to use firearms.
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These too were integral to the ethos of Zulu masculinity, but overt courage and insatiable ferocity were the hallmarks of the great warrior.
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As such, the traders owed him military service, and it quickly came to Shaka’s attention that they possessed muskets.
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Consequently, whereas at one extreme the Sotho thoroughly embraced fi rearms, considerably modifi ed their traditional methods of warfare, and successfully took on Boers and Britons alike, at the other extreme the Zulu only gingerly made use of fi rearms and did not permit them to affect their way of warfare to any marked degree.
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‘This stick which they carry, what is it for?’ (This was said by the earliest Zulus of the gun that was carried, for they did not know that it was a weapon.) Tshaka then wanted the carrier (a European) to aim at a vulture hovering above with this stick of theirs. The European did so, and fi red, bang! The sound caused all round about to fall on hands and knees. The bird was brought down. Wonderful!
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Shaka, as Makuza indicated, was very much taken up with muskets and their military potential. Jantshi ka Nongila, who was born in 1848 and whose father had served as a spy under Shaka, described how Shaka was remembered as testing the power of muskets by having the white traders aim at cattle at different distances.
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16 In 1826, he used the limited but alarming fi repower of the Port Natal traders and their trained African retainers against his great rivals, the Ndwandwe people, in the decisive battle of the izinDolowane hills; and in 1827, he again used their fi repower in subduing the Khumalo people.
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In part, the Zulu reluctance to take up fi rearms lay in the initial diffi culty in obtaining them
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had bartered fi fty stands of arms and a quantity of gunpowder. He warned that, hitherto, the Zulu ‘had used them only in their little wars but the king stated to me that should he fi nd himself unable to overcome his enemies by the weapons most familiar to his people he would then have recourse to them’. 19
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it seems that king Dingane has gotten arms and stated that he would use them on his enemies if he is unable to defeat them. this is a note that guns were used in wars by south africans.
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In his praises Dingane was celebrated as ‘Jonono who is like a fi ghting-stick of thunder [a gun]!’
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Dingane appreciated the power of fi rearms.
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During the 1830s, guns began to be traded into Zululand in greater numbers, much to the despair of the missionary Captain Allen Gardiner. He saw in this incipient trade a Zulu threat to all their neighbours, and was much disheartened, in 1835, when the Zulu elite evinced no interest in the word of God, but only in his instruction in the best use of the onomatopoeic ‘issibum’, or musket. 21
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Thus, when the Voortrekkers came over the Drakensberg passes in late 1837 and encamped in Zululand, Dingane knew that they and their guns posed a deadly threat to his kingdom. Dingane’s treacherous attempt, early in 1838, to take the Voortrekkers unawares and destroy them, was only partially successful.
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they were unable to fight back because the Voortrekkers had more gun advantage and were able to kill Zulus under shelter. this is another indictor of the usage of guns in south africa
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The Zulus’ disastrous defeats at Voortrekker hands only confi rmed the chilling effi cacy of fi rearms and the need to possess the new weapons.
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Yet the new weapons technology could not be ignored. From the late 1860s, fi rearms began to spread rapidly throughout South Africa, thanks in large part to the mineral revolution, and the need for African labour
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young Pedi men (in what became a recognized rite of manhood) regularly made their way to the labour markets of Natal and the Cape and bought fi rearms from guntraders with their earning
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White hunters sold these items on the world markets and recruited and trained Africans in the use of fi rearms to assist them in obtaining them. 48 Ivory, in particular, was equally a source of wealth for the Zulu king, who was no longer content with his men killing elephants (as described by the hunter, Adulphe Delagorgue) by stabbing them with spears and letting them bleed to death, or driving them into pits fi lled with stakes. 49 The king required fi rearms for the task.
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As we have seen, the Zulu adoption of fi rearms was partial and imperfect, hedged about by all sorts of hindrances, both practical and essentially cultural. Only a handful of men who had close contact with white hunters and traders were eas
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with fi rearms, and knew how to use them
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Otherwise, as we have seen, the bulk of amabutho continued to treat their guns like throwing spears, to be discarded before the real hand-to-hand fi ghting began.
Imperial_strategy_and_the_Angl.PDF - 1 views
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The Church Missionary Society's Burden: Theological Education for a Self-supporting, Se... - 1 views
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ities.1 Any church involved in mission needs to realize that theological education is the backbone of the church for it is through it that her leaders are prepared. This paper traces the steps taken by the church in Kenya and CMS missionaries to plant a self-supporting, self-governing, and self-supporting African Anglica
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the church for it is through it that her leaders are prepared. This paper traces the steps taken by the church in Kenya and CMS missionaries to plant a self-supporting, self-governing, and self-supporting African Anglica
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The governing principle of the CMS in its missions in various parts of the world was the establishment of a self-supporting, selfgoverning, and self-propagating local church. To this end, theological education and the provision of institutions for the training of people for indigenous ministry was given the highest priority in the thinking and planning of the CMS.8 Training of African clergy who would lead the African Church was one of the msyor policies of the CMS missionaries, as this would help create a self-governing African Church, led and managed by Africans themselves. At the same time it would also help create a self-supporting and a self-propagating indigenous church as African
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support their pastors who would in turn evangelize Africa.9 It was in view of this that Lugwig Krapf argued: "A black Bishop and a black clergy of the protestant may, are long become a necessity in the civilization
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The second step in the development of theological education as the means of establishing an African Anglican Church in Kenya was based on the "three-selves" mission policy of self-supporting, selfgoverning, and self-propagation.14 This strategy was initiated by the Rev. Henry Venn, general secretary of the CMS between 1841
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In 1841 and 1872 Rev Henry Venn established African Anglican Church based on "Three-selves" mission policy of self-supporting, self-governing and self-propaganda..
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es" mission approach. He urged the CMS missionaries to place greater stress on developing local resources. Self-support became the key to his whole system of missions. He insisted on local support for pastors as a condition for ordination.15 In this he subsumed self-government under self-support. He felt that young churches should be under the leadership of native leaders and not miss
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In his whole system he stressed missionaries to place greater stress on developing local resources, self-support and self-government.
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African students were mastering some of the major concepts taught in class. Various duties were assigned to the students to help them become leaders of the native church. Bishop Tucker was convinced that the success of his mission in East Africa would be determined by his ability to plant a self-governing, self-supporting, and self-propagating church. This goal had not been reached by the end of the nineteenth century, although good progress was o
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Even though his mission's policy was not successful at this time, but it was progressing because students were mastering his lessons in class.
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40060682?refreqid=excelsior%3A048b84c84b160e07ad9d553854489098&ab segments=0%2Fbasic se... - 4 views
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This article tells us when firearms were first introduced in Southern Africa
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A Note on Firearms in the Zulu Kingdom with Special Reference to the Anglo-Zulu War, 18... - 5 views
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I82os
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Zulu should adopt against a force armed with guns
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r ?2
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This shows us that the guns were bought from European countries because of the currency used.
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s. As a result they killed goo of the 950 whites in the camp and about 500 African levie
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pound
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Anglo-Zulu war,
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I879
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In I879, however, the Zulu were fighting on their own soi
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they were very much people that had a lot of wars, even amongst themselves
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British invaded their country
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The Role of Missionaries as Explorers in Africa.pdf - 3 views
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Innumerable and complex factors affected the routes taken by missionaries and the selection of sites for their stations. Still, some common characteristics emerge as typical through successive periods. This paper attempts to present these phases in a condensed overview
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European explorers were on a mission to study Africa, which also led to the earliest attempts to Christianize North Africa and the establishment of the Coptic Church, from there merged a lot of exploratory endeavors. That resulted Due to the nature of their work, missionaries had to look for individuals as the missionary movement grew in popularity around the end of the eighteenth century.
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exploration is an ongoing process and the history of discoveries is also the history of communication among different parts of the world, and of the widening and the contracting of the channels for communication. There are still Europeans and Americans who know about some distant and obscure place through modest mission magazines and missionary lectures rather than through mass media and scholarly journals.
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The majority of missionaries were extremely driven to learn African languages because they believed that communicating with people was essential to their profession and in order to better understand Africa, the majority of missionaries insisted on teaching in indigenous languages and also introduced manuscripts and bibles written in indigenous language. Mission chains, extended and intensive occupancy, outflanking a competitor's movement, and mission fields are all terms that are used in mission strategy.
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The Zulu kingdom as a genocidal and post-genocidal society, c. 1810 to the present 1.pdf - 2 views
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genocidal
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This relates to the act or rather the policy if genocide. Whereby there is a systematic killing of substantial number of people based off their ethnicity, religion or belief, and or nationality. Inn this case the Zulu kingdom practiced genocide internally amongst its people and arguably could be on the basis of belief.
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post-genocidal society
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Violence perpetrated by Africans against other Africans.
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white writers have used the image of the violent African to justify racism, slavery, and colonialism
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The concept of genocide in Africa, Zulu Kingdom in this case, has been utilized by white writers so push their own narrative about the continent which would justify such ideologies like racism as mentioned. This links with the concept discussed by Mudimbe in the Parker and Rathbone reading, on which the term 'exotic prism' comes to play.
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character assassinatio
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character assassination can 0ften at time be viewed or described as defamation of character as one's character or reputation is maliciously and unjustifiably harmed.
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Zulu kings was very real, and not nearly enough has been done to examine the causes and consequences of that violence.
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This highlights the limitedness of studies and research on African history, in particular the Zulu kingdom itself.
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Shaka
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The famously known king of the Zulu nation/kingdom, with a movie in his name and honor.
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Shaka and Dingane tended to be portrayed as unusually violent.
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The reason behind this narrative may be that, there was not enough study on the two kings or rather it could an issue of racism and prejudice to some extent. All these deductions were made only on the bases of alleged ideas and not factual ones.
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formidable
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The army was difficult to defeat, caused fear to opponents and thus commanding respect
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Mfecane
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reappraisal
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Refers to the reassessing of the value and factuality of the sources utilized to make the deductions that Shaka and Dingane were extremely bad people.
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textual incest.
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This relates to the fact that the two brothers, although half-brothers. This would maybe imply that since they're brothers then whatever they do would somewhat be the same as they all we kings and they had strict rulings and somewhat practiced genocide. The name of the article pertaining to the concept of 'textual incest' , Textual Incest: Nathaniel Isaacs and the Development of the Shaka Myth
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Shaka and Dingane
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Worse, Isaacs admitted to sensationalizing his own account and urging Fynn to do the same, while Bryant’s stated goal was to “clothe the dry bones” of the raw evidence he had gathered, and without any source citations it is impossible to determine what assertions were derived from oral traditions and which were the products of Bryant’s own imagination. 3
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This highlights the ideas of manipulation of historical studies and writings on the Zulu kingdom and furthermore the continent itself. Individual narratives and perspective can be pushed through this, worse if they're to be bias ones.
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The richest source of such African testimony is the James Stuart Archive, a collection housed in the Killie Campbell Africana Library in Durban and published in a series totaling five volumes so far. 4
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Substantiation of the notion raised by recent studies that white writers were bias in terms of their writings on African history.
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980s one historian argued that it was totally unreliable. James Stuart was, in fact, a racist, and there is no way of knowing how much of the archive was invented outright by Stuart to serve his own purposes in justifying white supremacy.
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The credibility of certain writings become questionable because of ideas of racism. A racist narrative may be pushed because of this. This directly affects the writings of white people( the writers).
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Image on The reading of an ultimatum to Zulu chiefs on Natal side of Drift Lower Tugela... - 2 views
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Frere ventured that if he could stage a short and successful campaign before his superiors could intervene, he would later be applauded for the successful outcome. Although the commission ruled in favor of the Zulus, the conditions attached to the verdict presented an ultimatum: the Zulus had 30 days to dismantle their military system or face the consequences. It was a cynical proposal, contrived only to be rejected, and on 11 January 1879 Lord Chelmsford's forces of the crossed the border into Zululand.
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The reading of an ultimatum to Zulu chiefs on Natal side of Drift Lower Tugela, 11 December 1878
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Guns, Race, and Skill in Nineteenth-Century Southern Africa.pdf - 4 views
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Guns, Race, and Skill in Nineteenth-Century Southern Afric
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in this article, I will focus on firearms (guns ) in Southern Africa specifically in South Africa.
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it seems. South Africa's "gun society" originated in the seventeenth century, when the Dutch East India Company encouraged the European settlers of the Cape of Good Hope to procure firearms and to serve in th
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this tells us when guns were introduced in South Africa, it also tells us that it was introduced because the Dutch East India Company wanted the European settlers to obtain the firearms so that they serve as civilian soldiers ( this is what militia means, its civilians being trained as soldiers)
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itia. The European farmers (called Boers) who crossed the colonial boundaries into the African interior distributed guns to Africans, in spite of company regulations fo
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through the encouragement of traders and missionaries, more Africans took up firearms. They did so for many reasons, most prominently to gain se
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s. Settler perceptions of the threat posed by armed Africans persuaded British conservatives to portray Africans as skilled with firearms, even as they otherwise characterized Africans as racially infe
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seems that even though the british thought lowly of africans they started to see them as skilled and armed because of their possession of firearms.
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pean settlers introduced guns to New England, pointing out that Native Americans adapted them most adroitly to the local environment. The Native Americans learned to shoot well and combined that capability with their skills in forest warfare to gain a temporary military adva
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even though this does not relate to firearms in south africa , this is highlighted because it tells us that when guns are introduced to natives it seems that natives adapt fast to using firearms and use them on nature first, just like earlier when it was said guns were used to catch game then it was used as a means for security.
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There is only one place to find a scholarly discussion of shooting skills in southern Africa: a special issue of the Journal of African History, published in 1971, on the social history of firearms. The contributors greatly advanced our knowledge of firearms in southern Africa, but they arrived at some unexamined and contradictory conclusions about skill. Relying on colonial descriptions of African peoples of the region, they characterized the Khoisan and Griqua as skilled with weapons, a facility that enabled them to resist colonialism for a w
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although this speaks about findings that were published in 1971 does not mean that the information collected was not before 1890 this simply is talking about how skillful could the south african natives be with firearms.
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redcoat deserter
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both good and bad marksmen, while the Mfengu were skilled and dangerous. The Sotho were "indifferently armed and were poor shots" before the 1870s, when they became "crack marksmen." The Zulu never integrated firearms completely into their military tactics, but by the Anglo-Zulu War of 1879 some Zulu shot well because, according to a British government source, they had received instruction fr
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To load a muzzle-loading flintlock, the gunner measured out a quantity of coarse black powder (or opened a premeasured charge) and poured it down the barrel. Next he placed the ball on a patch (typically made of something like linen) and pushed it down the barrel with the ramrod to rest on top of the powder. He then primed the lock by placing a pinch of powder in the pan, cocked the hammer, aimed, and pulled the trigger. It was a slow (thirty seconds even for a reasonably skilled gunner) and awkward procedure, which left soldiers exposed to enemy fire. Flintlock muskets were vulnerable to wet weather as well. To further complicate matters, fouling of the barrel caused by the black powder, which does not burn cleanly, made the weapon progressively more difficult to load during a battle or other prolonged use. To compensate, soldiers often loaded with balls that were smaller than the caliber (diameter of the barrel) nominally used by the weapon. See Malone (n. 3 above), 31-35, for rich descriptions and illustrations of matchlock and flintlock muskets.
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this is a description of the guns that were used in south africa at the time. the flintlock muskets
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ents. Percussion locks came into wide service by the 1840s.11 At around the same time, improvements in ammunition persuaded most soldiers and civilians to replace their smoothbores with more accurate rifles.12 And, finally, by the 1860s design improvements in breech-loading firearms made it possible for most soldiers and civilians to switch from muzzle loaders to breechloaders.13
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1. In a percussion lock, a percussion cap containing fulminate is placed over a nipple on top of the touchhole; the hammer strikes the cap, which explodes and ignites the charge in the barrel. This is a much more reliable ignition system, especially in damp weather, and it allows a weapon to be more quickly loaded, takes less skill, and entails fewer risks than the flintlock. By the 1850s most armies had switched to the percussion loc
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areas killed wildlife for food. At the same time, hunting was an important economic activity, as ivory, hides, and ostrich feathers commanded high prices on world markets. Hunting could even provide a better income than cattle farming. The naturalist William Burchell, who traveled in the interior in 1812, observed how Africans became involved in a cash economy as European trade networks reached into the interior.14 Many African hunters worked for European traders, who employed them as trackers and supplied them with guns and ammunition.
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this is an excellent take on firearms by south Africans as they used these guns to hunt and find food and in turn, this helped them trade what they hunted for other things. so this tells us that is how Southerners used the guns. also this passage tells us that many Africans worked for European traders who gave them guns.
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5. While Burchell was living among the Tlhaping, a man offered eight oxen in exchange for one gun, which seemed a high price until one considered the gun's usefulness for hunting. Guns remained relatively rare in this part of southern Africa until the 1850s. By the 1870s they were widespread, thanks in part to the availability of wage labor at the nearby Kimberley diamond mines. There, an old (but still powerful) rifled percussion musket could be bought for four pounds sterling, the equivalent of three months' wages, while a modern breechloader might cost twenty-five pound
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The relationship of hunting skills and marksmanship to the political, economic, and ecological transformation of southern Africa can only be understood fully when we consider the ways in which guns were adapted to the local environme
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hybrids. The sheer size of African game animals, especially the much-sought-after elephant, fostered a preference for large-caliber weapons. By the eighteenth century a distinct local pattern of firearms design had begun to emerge, which can be understood as a technological response to the region's ecology and economy. Local settlers mainly used military-style flintlocks, similar to the British Brown Bess, or another and even larger type of
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. It also concerned British and Boer officials, who incorporated disarmament into their plans to despoil Africans of their land. While developing plans to disarm, dispossess, and disenfranchise Africans, British settlerpoliticians argued that whites should take care to maintain their skills with arms - not to denude the environment of animals but to defend against attacks by dangerous Africans.
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the british and the boers think that they should disarm africans of their guns as they want to be the only ones in control of guns. as they think africans are dangerous.
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