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Shantastic Marie

Distributive Justice (Stanford Encyclopedia of Philosophy) - 0 views

  • Principles of distributive justice are normative principles designed to guide the allocation of the benefits and burdens of economic activity
  • strict egalitarianism, which advocates the allocation of equal material goods to all members of society
  • Rawls
  • ...160 more annotations...
  • Difference Principle allows allocation that does not conform to strict equality so long as the inequality has the effect that the least advantaged in society are materially better off than they would be under strict equality
  • Resource-based distributive principles, and principles based on what people deserve because of their work, endeavor to incorporate this idea of economic responsibility
  • distributive principles should be designed and assessed according to how they affect welfare
  • Advocates of Welfare-based principles
  • feminist critiques of existing distributive principles note that they tend to ignore the particular circumstances of women
  • Libertarian principles
  • criticize any patterned distributive ideal
  • Distributive principles may vary in numerous dimensions. They can vary in what is subject to distribution (income, wealth, opportunities, jobs, welfare, utility, etc.); in the nature of the subjects of the distribution (natural persons, groups of persons, reference classes, etc.); and on what basis distribution should be made (equality, maximization, according to individual characteristics, according to free transactions, etc.)
  • distribution of the benefits and burdens of economic activity among individuals in a society
  • distributive justice theory is a practical enterprise
  • There has never been, and never will be
  • any society whose distribution conforms to one of the proposed principles
  • Only when people realized that the distribution of economic benefits and burdens could be affected by government did distributive justice become a live topic
  • Governments continuously make and change laws affecting the distribution of economic benefits and burdens in their societies. Almost all changes, from the standard tax and industry laws through to divorce laws have some distributive effect, and, as a result, different societies have different distributions
  • Distributive justice theory contributes practically by providing guidance for these unavoidable and constant choices
  • Contrary to a popular misconception, economics alone cannot decide what policy changes we should make. Economics, at its best, can tell us the effects of pursuing different policies; it cannot, without the guidance of normative principles, recommend which policy to pursue. The arguments and principles discussed in the present entry aim to supply this kind of guidance.
  • One of the simplest principles of distributive justice is that of strict or radical equality
  • every person should have the same level of material goods and services
  • people are owed equal respect and that equality in material goods and services is the best way to give effect to this ideal.
  • The two main problems are the construction of appropriate indices for measurement (the index problem), and the specification of time frames
  • The index problem arises primarily because the goods to be distributed need to be measured if they are going to be distributed according to some pattern (such as equality)
  • requiring identical bundles will make virtually everybody materially worse off than they would be under an alternative allocation
  • Some index for measuring the value of goods and services is required.
  • Money is an index for the value of material goods and services
  • imperfect
  • opportunities
  • Nevertheless, using money as index for the value of material goods and services is the most practical response
  • widely used
  • The second main specification problem involves time frames
  • One version of the principle of strict equality requires that all people should have the same wealth at some initial point, after which people are free to use their wealth in whatever way they choose
  • ‘starting-gate’ principles
  • may lead in time to very inegalitarian wealth distributions
  • The most common form of strict equality principle specifies that income (measured in terms of money) should be equal in each time-frame, though even this may lead to significant disparities in wealth if variations in savings are permitted
  • Hence, strict equality principles are commonly conjoined with some society-wide specification of just saving behavior
  • moral criticisms
  • unduly restrict freedom
  • do not give best effect to equal respect for persons
  • conflict with what people deserve
  • most common criticism is a welfare-based one
  • everyone can be materially better off if incomes are not strictly equal
  • The wealth of an economy is not a fixed amount from one period to the next
  • The most common way of producing more wealth is to have a system where those who are more productive earn greater incomes.
  • most widely discussed theory of distributive justice in the past three decades has been that proposed by John Rawls
  • 1. Each person has an equal claim to a fully adequate scheme of equal basic rights and liberties, which scheme is compatible with the same scheme for all; and in this scheme the equal political liberties, and only those liberties, are to be guaranteed their fair value. 2. Social and economic inequalities are to satisfy two conditions: (a) They are to be attached to positions and offices open to all under conditions of fair equality of opportunity; and (b), they are to be to the greatest benefit of the least advantaged members of society.
  • The main moral motivation for the Difference Principle is similar to that for strict equality: equal respect for persons
  • Difference Principle materially collapses to a form of strict equality under empirical conditions where differences in income have no effect on the work incentive of people
  • Opinion divides on the size of the inequalities which would, as a matter of empirical fact, be allowed by the Difference Principle, and on how much better off the least advantaged would be under the Difference Principle than under a strict equality principle
  • Rawls is not opposed to the principle of strict equality per se, his concern is about the absolute position of the least advantaged group rather than their relative position
  • numerous criticisms
  • The most common explanation appeals to solidarity (Crocker): that being materially equal is an important expression of the equality of persons. Another common explanation appeals to the power some may have over others, if they are better off materially
  • Rawls' response
  • priority of his first principle: The inequalities consistent with the Difference Principle are only permitted so long as they do not compromise the fair value of the political liberties
  • Utilitarian objection
  • Difference Principle is that it does not maximize utility
  • Libertarians object
  • Difference Principle involves unacceptable infringements on liberty
  • redistributive taxation to the poor
  • The Difference Principle is also criticized as a primary distributive principle on the grounds that it mostly ignores claims that people deserve certain economic benefits in light of their actions
  • Desert-Based Principles
  • some may deserve a higher level of material goods because of their hard work or contributions even if their unequal rewards do not also function to improve the position of the least advantaged
  • explanations of how people come to be in more or less advantaged positions is relevant to their fairness
  • Resource-based principles criticize the Difference Principle on the grounds that it is not ‘ambition-sensitive’ enough
  • ‘endowment-sensitive’
  • not sensitive to the consequences of people's choices
  • does not compensate people for natural inequalities
  • Resource-based principles
  • Resource Egalitarianism
  • prescribe equality of resources
  • do not normally prescribe a patterned outcome
  • outcomes are determined by people's free use of their resources
  • provided people have equal resources they should live with the consequences of their choices
  • social circumstances over which people have no control should not adversely affect life prospects or earning capacities
  • unequal natural endowments should attract compensation
  • handicaps, ill-health, or low levels of natural talents
  • Ronald Dworkin, (Dworkin 1981a, 1981b), proposes that people begin with equal resources but end up with unequal economic benefits as a result of their own choices
  • They note that natural inequalities are not distributed according to people's choices, nor are they justified by reference to some other morally relevant fact about people
  • buy insurance against being disadvantaged
  • It is simply not clear how to implement equality of resources in a complex economy and hence despite its theoretical advantages, it is difficult to see it as a practical improvement on the Difference Principle.
  • Welfare-based principles are motivated by the idea that what is of primary moral importance is the level of welfare of people.
  • imprecise
  • concerns of other theories
  • as derivative concerns
  • particular welfare functions to maximize
  • vary enormously
  • most commonly advocated by economists
  • Historically, Utilitarians have used the term ‘utility’ rather than ‘welfare’ and utility has been defined variously as pleasure, happiness, or preference-satisfaction
  • philosophical activity has concentrated on a variant known as Utilitarianism
  • choosing that distribution maximizing the arithmetic sum of all satisfied preferences (unsatisfied preferences being negative), weighted for the intensity of those preferences.
  • Utilitarianism fails to take the distinctness of persons seriously
  • immoral to make some people suffer so that there is a net gain for other people
  • no requirement for people to consent to the suffering or sacrifice
  • individual preferences or interests referring to the holdings of others
  • Utilitarian distribution principles, like the other principles described here, have problems with specification and implementation
  • interpersonal utility comparisons are impossible
  • many Preference Utilitarians believe their principle prescribes strongly egalitarian structures with lots of state invention while many other Preference Utilitarians believe it prescribes a laissez faire style of capitalism
  • Another complaint against welfarism is that it ignores, and in fact cannot even make sense of, claims that people deserve certain economic benefits in light of their actions
  • various forms of welfarism treat people as mere containers for well-being, rather than purposeful beings, responsible for their actions and creative in their environments
  • The different desert-based principles of distribution differ primarily according to what they identify as the basis for deserving
  • three broad categories
  • Contribution
  • Effort
  • Compensation
  • Aristotle argued that virtue should be a basis for distributing rewards, but most contemporary principles owe a larger debt to John Locke. Locke argued people deserve to have those items produced by their toil and industry, the products (or the value thereof) being a fitting reward for their effort
  • people freely apply their abilities and talents, in varying degrees, to socially productive work. People come to deserve varying levels of income by providing goods and services desired by others
  • Distributive systems are just insofar as they distribute incomes according to the different levels earned or deserved by the individuals in the society for their productive labors, efforts, or contributions
  • value of raising the standard of living — collectively, ‘the social product’
  • only activity directed at raising the social product will serve as a basis for deserving income
  • a value societies hold independently
  • societies value higher standards of living, and therefore choose the raising of living standards as the primary value relevant to desert-based distribution
  • Payments designed to give people incentives are a form of entitlement particularly worth distinguishing from desert-payments as they are commonly confused
  • Incentive-payments are ‘forward-looking’
  • desert-payments are ‘backwards-looking’
  • incentives and desert provide distinct rationales for income and should not be conflated
  • While some have sought to justify current capitalist distributions via desert-based distributive principles, John Stuart Mill and many since have forcefully argued the contrary claim — that the implementation of a productivity principle would involve dramatic changes in modern market economies and would greatly reduce the inequalities characteristic of them
  • contemporary Desert-based principles are rarely complete distributive principles. They usually are only designed to cover distribution among working adults, leaving basic welfare needs to be met by other principles
  • difficult to identify what is to count as a contribution, an effort or a cost, and it is even more difficult to measure these in a complex modern economy
  • moral objection
  • make economic benefits depend on factors over which people have little control
  • productivity-based principles — a person's productivity seems clearly to be influenced by many factors over which the person has little control
  • under most welfare-based principles, it is also the case that people's level of economic benefits depend on factors beyond their control
  • desert theorists who emphasize the responsibility of people in choosing to engage in more or less productive activities
  • Most contemporary versions of the principles discussed so far allow some role for the market as a means of achieving the desired distributive pattern
  • advocates of Libertarian distributive principles rarely see the market as a means to some desired pattern, since the principle(s) they advocate do not ostensibly propose a ‘pattern’ at all, but instead describe the sorts of acquisitions or exchanges which are themselves just
  • just outcomes are those arrived at by the separate just actions of individuals; a particular distributive pattern is not required for justice
  • Nozick proposes a 3-part "Entitlement Theory"
  • distribution is just if everyone is entitled to the holdings they possess under the distribution
  • principle of justice in transfer
  • fair contracts while ruling out stealing, fraud, etc
  • principle of justice in acquisition
  • gaining of exclusive property rights over the material world
  • The obvious objection to this claim is that it is not clear why the first people to acquire some part of the material world should be able to exclude others from it
  • Lockean Proviso
  • ‘enough and as good left in common for others’
  • challenges
  • acquisition is just if and only if the position of others after the acquisition is no worse than their position was when the acquisition was unowned or ‘held in common’
  • principle of rectification for past injustice
  • Past injustices systematically undermine the justice of every subsequent distribution in historical theories
  • The numbers of injustices perpetrated throughout history, both within nations and between them, are enormous and the necessary details of the vast majority of injustices are unavailable
  • As a consequence, Nozick's entitlement theory will never provide any guidance as to what the current distribution of material holdings should be nor what distributions or redistributions are legitimate or illegitimate
  • Libertarians inspired by Nozick usually advocate a system in which there are exclusive property rights, with the role of the government restricted to the protection of these property rights. The property rights commonly rule out taxation for purposes other than raising the funds necessary to protect property rights
  • Any taxation of the income from such selling, according to Nozick, ‘institute[s] (partial) ownership by others of people and their actions and labor’.
  • main difficulties
  • other route for trying to justify exclusive property rights has been to argue that they are required for the maximization of freedom and/or liberty or the minimization of violations of these
  • false
  • But the challenge for these Libertarians is to show why only their favored liberties and freedoms are valuable, and not those which are weakened by a system of exclusive property rights
  • There is no one feminist conception of distributive justice; theorists who name themselves feminists defend positions across the political spectrum
  • an interest in what difference, if any, the practical experience of gender makes to the subject matter or study of justice
  • The distributive principles so far outlined, with the exception of strict egalitarianism, could be classified as liberal theories — they both inform, and are the product of, the liberal democracies which have emerged over the last two centuries
  • ‘the personal is political.’
  • critique of liberal theories
  • resulting liberal theories of justice have fundamentally been unable to accommodate the injustices that have their origins in this ‘protected’ private sphere
  • liberal theories of distributive justice are unable to address the oppression which surfaces in the so-called private sphere of government non-interference
  • women have substantial disadvantages in competing in the market because of childrearing responsibilities which are not equally shared with men. As a consequence, any theory relying on market mechanisms, including most liberal theories, will yield systems which result in women systematically having less income and wealth than men. Thus, feminists have challenged contemporary political theorists to rethink the boundaries of political authority in the name of securing a just outcome for women and other historically oppressed groups
  • challenge
  • navigate both a coherent theoretical and practical path in response to the best feminist critiques available
  • distributive decisions arising through the legitimate application of particular democratic processes might even, at least in part, constitute distributive justice
  • Data on people's beliefs about distributive justice is also useful for addressing the necessary intersection between philosophical and political processes. Such beliefs put constraints on what institutional and policy reforms are practically achievable in any generation — especially when the society is committed to democratic processes
  • it is at least possible that the best distributive theory, when implemented, might yield a system which still has many injustices and/or negative consequences
  • Given that distributive justice is about what to do now, not just what to think, alternate distributive theories must, in part, compete as comprehensive systems which take into account the practical constraints we face.
  • Distributive justice is not an area where we can say an idea is good in theory but not in practice. If it is not good in practice, then it is not good in theory either
Shantastic Marie

A New Global Economic Order | Adbusters Culturejammer Headquarters - 0 views

  • The perpetrators of the massive financial fraud have been allowed to slip quietly from the scene and continue business as usual. Our elected representatives in Washington have become so tightly intertwined with the financiers and bankers that public accountability has all but vanished. #OCCUPYWALLSTREET is all about breaking up that cosy relationship between money and politics and bringing the perpetrators of the financial crash of 2008 to justice.
  • greed is the corruptor
Shantastic Marie

Demand The Impossible | Adbusters Culturejammer Headquarters - 0 views

  • Some Occupiers feel strongly that the movement should demand absolutely nothing from the economic and political system it’s rising up against. After all, the argument goes, the strength of the Occupy Movement thus far has been its potent indictment of the ruling class, coupled with its refusal to make any discernable demands or empower any official spokespeople
  • However, by taking direct aim at the relationship between capital and the state, Occupy has raised the issue of class struggle in the U.S.
  • Having raised the level of political awareness, the movement must now fashion class consciousness into political action
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  • The legitimacy of the system failed, revealing its true nature. The democracy of the 1 percent is a sham; their police are but armed mercenaries.
  • Repression!
  • And to this end, we do need demands, not to explain ourselves to the 1 percent, but rather to anchor Occupy in the daily lives of the people whom we aspire to involve in our movement.
  • determination to squelch free speech and the right to assembly
  • violence of the police
  • Occupy is the anvil of the people
  • The coordinated repression against encampments nationwide speaks to this–as well as the 1 percent’s penchant for answering a challenge with blunt force.
  • misstep made all too often in the movement
  • draw new people into the movement
  • message that has the potential to resonate within the awakening consciousness of the 99 percent
  • demand of “Tax the rich” implicitly operates beyond the scope of this current capitalist economic system
  • dialogue of wealth redistribution beyond the scope of the 1 percent’s project of capital accumulation.
  • “Where’s our bailout?” directly calls into question the bank bailouts of 2008 and begs the question of why the 99 percent were expected to sacrifice under this tremendous recession, while those responsible for crashing the economy have raked in billions of taxpayer dollars.
  • “Where is our bailout” is a fair statement in favor of both wealth redistribution and for a just and equal society
  • Giving the proverbial bird to the existing power structure in the face of unbearable living conditions the world over isn’t enough at the end of an equally unbearable day.
  • demands for reforms may also germinate broader, more radical platforms
  • CAN THE historic task in front of Occupy be accomplished in its current form? It cannot.
  • This presupposes a unity that the heterogeneous ideologies that flow under the surface of the movement have yet to achieve.
  • It is necessary to articulate demands, and grievances that are bound under a unified set of independent political principles. We cannot ignore the 1 percent–who control the media, poison our skies and seas, and whisper consumer nothings in our ears. We must topple them
  • What is needed is a more potent injection of politics, reclaimed history and the fortitude to continue to fight back
  • heal the fissures of the left
  • solidarity
  • The success of concrete political tactics is measurable.
  • “Going off the grid” isn’t an option
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