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Bill Brydon

Migration and ethnic nationalism: Anglophone exit and the 'decolonisation' of... - 0 views

    "This article explains the effects of ethnic nationalism on Anglophone and
    Francophone migration. The rise of Québec ethnic nationalism in the 1960s
    dismantled the cultural division of labour, which created new opportunities for
    Francophones but threatened Anglophones' traditional dominance over the Québec
    economy. This had negative consequences for Anglophones but positive outcomes
    for Francophones, which in turn accounts for differences in migration patterns.
    Drawing from the internal colony model as well as migration and exit-voice
    theories, and using ecological census data, micro-census data and election panel
    data, I find that the key variables that increase the likelihood of Anglophone
    out-migration either do not explain Francophone out-migration or have opposite
    effects. This is because ethnonationalist policies decreased the economic return
    particularly for well-educated, higher-earning, professional Anglophones in
    Québec, while increasing the economic position of Francophones and in particular
    well-educated professionals."
Bill Brydon

The Nation and Its Fictions: History and Allegory in Tagore's Gora - South Asia: Journa... - 0 views

    "In Rabindranath Tagore's novel Gora (1910) and Salman Rushdie's
    Midnight's Children (1981), literary works which employ the fiction of
    nativity to examine a paradoxical moment of historical origin, the idea of the
    nation is subjected to intolerable strain. Fables of identity are constructed in
    both novels, yet instead of a 'hardening' of the metaphysical idea that sustains
    the allegorical parallel, what we witness is a radical dissolution or
    disintegration of the categories of nation and narrative at the very site
    of their inscription. I will argue that in both works, the symbolic equation of
    novel and nation opens up fissures in historical experience."
Bill Brydon

Modernism and nationalism - Journal of Political Ideologies - Volume 17, Issue 1 - 0 views

    "Various scholars have addressed nationalism as a distinctive political ideology.
    The majority of them recognize it as a product of modernity and as inseparable
    from it. This article begins by accepting this view, identifying the spread of
    nationalism as part of a broader process of Westernization. However, the
    all-encompassing ideological dimension and common thread hovering above
    nationalism is identified here as modernism-that is, the sum of ideological
    discourses, artistic expressions and political practices gravitating around the
    'need to be modern'. Modernist notions like 'progress', 'growth', 'advancement'
    and 'development' have been largely conceived within national frameworks and
    applied within a world of 'nation-states'. Moreover, given the selective ways in
    which ruling elites used the vocabulary of modernity, the very 'perlocutionary'
    effect of labelling opponents as 'anti-modern' often became a sufficient
    condition for their exclusion. The article discusses whether modernism can be
    identified as an ideology on its own and whether its triumph was indissociable
    from nationalism. It concludes that nationalism belonged to a broader modernist
    discourse that thoroughly accompanied the expansion of modernity"
Bill Brydon

THREATPRINTS, THREADS AND TRIGGERS - Journal of Cultural Economy - Volume 5, Issue 1 - 0 views

    "The international 'data war' that is fought in the name of counter-terror is
    concerned with mobilising the uncertain future to intervene 'before the
    terrorist has been radicalised'. Within this project, the digital footprint has
    become increasingly significant as a security resource. At the international
    border, particularly, the traces of data that cannot help but be left behind by
    everyday consumption and travel activity are mobilised within 'smart' targeting
    programmes to act against threat ahead of time. Subject to analytics,
    rules-based targeting and risk-scoring, this data is believed to offer a fuller
    picture of the mobile subject than conventional identification information. This
    paper places the data footprint alongside the history of the conventional
    criminal 'print' within forensic science to examine the future-oriented modes of
    governing that are emerging within smart border programmes such as the UK's
    e-borders. The digital print has less in common with the criminal print as
    objective evidence of past events and more in common with early efforts in
    anthropometry and biometrics to diagnose a subject's proclivity ahead of time.
    In the context of contemporary border security, this is unleashing uneven and
    occluded governmental effects."
Bill Brydon

Minority nationalism and immigrant integration in Canada - Banting - 2011 - Nations and... - 0 views

    "Immigrant integration is currently a prominent issue in virtually all
    contemporary democracies, but countries in which the historic population itself
    is deeply divided - particularly those with substate nations and multiple
    political identities - present some interesting questions where integration is
    concerned. The existence of multiple and potentially competing political
    identities may complicate the integration process, particularly if the central
    government and the substate nation promote different conceptions of citizenship
    and different nation-building projects. What, then, are the implications of
    minority nationalism for immigrant integration? Are the added complexities a
    barrier to integration? Or do overlapping identities generate more points of
    contact between immigrants and their new home? This article addresses this
    question by probing immigrant and non-immigrant 'sense of belonging' in Canada,
    both inside and outside Quebec. Data come from Statistics Canada's Ethnic
    Diversity Study. Our results suggest that competing nation-building projects
    make the integration of newcomers more, rather than less, challenging."
Bill Brydon

The politics of conflict: a constructivist critique of consociational and civil society... - 0 views

    "This article presents a (critical realist) constructivist critique of both
    consociational and civil society/transformationist approaches and their crude
    understandings of politics and the prospects for political change.
    Consociationalism's primordialist or essentialist foundation leads it towards a
    world-weary, pessimistic, conservative realism about how far 'divided societies'
    may be transformed. Advocates of the civil society approach, in contrast, take
    an instrumentalist view of identity and are optimistic that a radical
    transformation can be achieved by mobilising the people against 'hard-line'
    political representatives. The constructivist approach can provide a framework
    in which a more complex and nuanced understanding of identities is possible.
    This better equips us for understanding the prospects of bringing about
    desirable political change. The first part of this article is a critique of
    Nagle and Clancy's consociationalism. The second part provides a brief outline
    of a constructivist critique of both the consociational and civil society
    understandings of politics and their contribution to understanding the politics
    of managing conflict."
Bill Brydon

Constructing a shared public identity in ethno nationally divided societies: comparing ... - 0 views

    "In order to bolster sustainable peace building in violently divided societies, a
    normative suggestion is that efforts should be made to construct a shared public
    identity that overarches ethnic divisions. A number of different
    centripetal/transformationist processes are identified as engineering a shared
    identity in comparison to consociational arrangements, which are accused of
    institutionalising ethnic differences and perpetuating conflict. These
    transformationist approaches essentially rest on the premise that because
    ethnicity is constructed it can be reconstructed into new, shared forms. Looking
    at Northern Ireland, we argue that there are limits to the extent that ethnicity
    can be reconstructed into shared identities. By analysing consociational and
    centripetalist/transformationist approaches to division, we conclude that
    although consociationalism will probably not deliver a common identity, it does
    provide a robust form of conflict regulation."
Bill Brydon

Forging the nation as an imagined community - Shahzad - 2011 - Nations and Nationalism - 0 views

    "This article examines the ways in which young Canadians represent the 'the War
    on Terror' in their narratives. I explore how a hegemonic nationalist narrative
    enters into this representation in different ways and positions itself in a
    dynamic tension with the USA, at times eliding the difference and at times
    affirming it. I illustrate that these students do not simply tell the narrative
    of the war, but use the deixis of 'we/us/our' or 'them/they/their' in a way that
    constructs multiple imagined communities. I argue that these presumably benign
    representations of Canadian involvement in the war produce banal nationalism
    that excludes 'others', and binds human imagination into a framework that works
    against critical thinking."
Bill Brydon

Neo-Nazi Nationalism - Cooter - 2011 - Studies in Ethnicity and Nationalism - 0 views

    "In an effort to understand how supremacists may respond to future
    socio-political events, this article examines how White Aryan Resistance (WAR),
    as a major player in the White Supremacist Movement (WSM), conceptualises
    nationalism and who qualifies as a 'real' American. I use discourse analysis on
    two year's worth of WAR newsletters: twelve monthly issues before the September
    11, 2001 terrorist attacks and twelve issues after this date. Only partial
    support is found for outcomes that the existing nationalism literature would
    predict, suggesting that those who research the right-wing must better
    understand the WSM's sense of status loss to adequately predict future violent
    action from these groups. I show that WAR did not increasingly target Arabs
    after the attacks, which may have enhanced their membership and mobilisation
    efforts, but that this decision was a rational response in the context of status
    threats and limited movement resources."
Bill Brydon

Forging the nation as an imagined community - Shahzad - 2011 - Nations and Nationalism ... - 0 views

    "This article examines the ways in which young Canadians represent the 'the War
    on Terror' in their narratives. I explore how a hegemonic nationalist narrative
    enters into this representation in different ways and positions itself in a
    dynamic tension with the USA, at times eliding the difference and at times
    affirming it. I illustrate that these students do not simply tell the narrative
    of the war, but use the deixis of 'we/us/our' or 'them/they/their' in a way that
    constructs multiple imagined communities. I argue that these presumably benign
    representations of Canadian involvement in the war produce banal nationalism
    that excludes 'others', and binds human imagination into a framework that works
    against critical thinking."
Bill Brydon

Marx, List, and the Materiality of Nations - Rethinking Marxism - Volume 24, Issue 1 - 1 views

    "This paper contests the cosmopolitan consensus in contemporary Marxism that Marx
    and Engels's vision of capitalism was 'global' and that nations are essentially
    'cultural' constructs. It contributes to a wider project arguing that nations
    are material by taking a closer look at Marx and Engels's writings on free trade
    and protectionism and, in particular, at Marx's notes on Friedrich List's
    National System of Political Economy (1841/56). This examination shows
    that Marx and Engels had a keen understanding of the economic roles of states,
    national and imperial, and thought about free trade and protection in
    geopolitical terms. Though Marx aimed his characteristically caustic wit and
    forensic critique at List's contradictions, silences, and hypocrisies as a
    bourgeois thinker, he accepted that nation-states played economic and
    geopolitical roles in a capitalist world and that developmental states were
    possible, indeed necessary. The ground for these arguments is prepared by
    outlining the centrality of the economic roles of states in the development of
    modern capitalism and by showing how the recent revival of Marxist accounts of
    capitalist geopolitics is hampered by a purely economic, non- or anti-statist
    conception of capitalism."
Bill Brydon

The Limits of Derivative Nationalism: Marxism, Postcolonial Theory, and the Question of... - 0 views

    "'Indian' postcolonial writings continue to have a significant impact on
    contemporary scholarly approaches to nationalism in the subcontinent, and have
    helped displace the hold of earlier left/liberal approaches to nationalism.
    While the impact of these recent postcolonial trends on Indian historiography
    more broadly has been the subject of considerable scholarly discussions and
    debates, less attention has been devoted to their specific impact on scholarly
    approaches to nationalism. Through a close and critical reading of the changing
    historical approaches to 'minority' Tamil nationalism in the subcontinent as
    well as through comparison of such postcolonial perspectives with that of
    'anticolonial' national liberation theorists such as Frantz Fanon, this essay
    seeks to offer a historical perspective on the strengths and limitations of the
    currently ascendant 'Indian' postcolonial perspectives on nationalism."
Bill Brydon

Special Collection: The ethics of disconnection in a neo-liberal age - Introduction - 2 views

    "Scholars with Foucault in their arsenal have long understood how neoliberalism
    is more than simply political and economic policies that advocate universalizing
    market principles partially through deregulation and privatization. They realize
    that neoliberal policies also presuppose neoliberal selves-selves that
    consciously and reflexively see themselves as balancing alliances,
    responsibility, and risk through a mean-ends calculus (see Brown 2006,
    Cruikshank 1999, Harvey 2005, Rose 1990). David Harvey (2005:42), among others,
    argues that shifts from liberal economic policies to neoliberal policies are
    necessarily accompanied by relatively successful efforts to promote new
    conceptions of what it means to be an individual and an agent. This literature
    has largely focused on how selves are now expected to discipline themselves
    according to neoliberal logics and, in particular, how people should take
    themselves to be a bundle of skill sets which navigate responsibility and risk
    in a world that putatively operates always by market principles (Cruikshank
    1999; Freeman 2007; Maurer 1999; O'Malley 1996; Rankin 2001; Rose 1990, 1996;
    Urciuoli 2008). The self is not only a bundle of skills from this perspective,
    the neoliberal self is also a bundle of alliances with an underlying goal of
    multiplying skills and alliances as much as possible. Yet the current moment has
    revealed precisely how unrealistic this vision of the self is-out of necessity,
    alliances must be cut as well as nurtured. The global economic crisis has
    required new interest not just in how neoliberal rhetorics are used to
    discipline selves, corporations, and nation-states, but also the ways in which
    neoliberalism shapes disconnection. In this special issue, we focus on this less
    explored area in which neoliberal perspectives are re-imagining the self-how the
    neoliberal self is expected to manage alliances as they end."
Bill Brydon

A Legacy to Brazil and the World: Remembering Abdias do Nascimento - 0 views

    "He expressed a pride in his African origins and early on recognized the need to
    confront racial injustice when and where it reared its head. In his early
    twenties he would make his first foray into political activism when he joined
    with fellow black youth in the Afro-Campineiro Congress to protest racial
    discrimination in Campinas, São Paulo. He would subsequently participate in the
    Frente Negra Brasileira (Black Brazilian Front), which had been launched in 1931
    and went on to become the first political party of black Brazil. The party would
    enjoy a brief life: in 1937, the Estado Novo (New State) imposed under the
    dictatorship of Getúlio Vargas ordered ordered the party banned."
Bill Brydon

The Analytics of "Gendering" the Post-Neoliberal State - 1 views

    ""Post-neoliberalism" or "after neoliberalism"' is a term that is associated
    with forms of governance that emerged in the mid-late 1990s with the Third Way
    and social investment states in the UK, Canada, and Aotearoa/New Zealand. The
    post-neoliberal state combines features of both neoliberal and social-democratic
    welfare policies; significantly, it has introduced changes in areas
    conventionally noted by feminist scholars as having bearing on the lives of
    women, such as, in public-funded childcare, and women-centered approaches to
    governance. The core question posed in this paper is: is the post-neoliberal
    state also a feminist one? Based on a critical review of recent literature, the
    analysis focuses on the gender implications of post-neoliberal policies in four
    domains of society and polity: production-reproduction, the public-private,
    political participation, and the machinery of the state. The paper argues that
    whilst gains made by some women in these domains are noteworthy, the more
    fundamental ramifications of the post-neoliberal state are in the changing
    landscape of gender relations in these countries."
Bill Brydon

Sub-state Nationalism in the Western World: Explaining Continued Appeal - Ethnopolitics - - 0 views

    What explains the appeal of sub-state nationalism in developed liberal democracies such as Belgium, Spain, the United Kingdom and Canada? This article suggests six main reasons: the power of the notion of self-determination; the institutionalization of national identity and nationalist politics in decentralized arrangements featuring autonomous government; the presence of powerful nationalist narratives; institutional and constitutional questions that are either unresolved or have been addressed by a shaky compromise, which means they remain on the political agenda; the involvement of nationalist movements in debates of public policy; and processes of continental integration that help nationalist movements make the case for increased autonomy and, in certain circumstances, independence.
Bill Brydon

Rethinking the nation: Apology, treaty and reconciliation in Australia - National Ident... - 0 views

    In February 2008, Australian Prime Minister Kevin Rudd apologised to Indigenous Australians for past injustices. The apology was presented as a turning point in the history of the nation. According to Rudd, 'there comes a time in the history of a nation when peoples must become fully reconciled to their past if they are to go forward with confidence to embrace their future'. The apology marked a new step in the reconciliation process in Australia, but as this article argues, the treaty issue - another controversial aspect of reconciliation - remains a major challenge to the Australian nation.
Bill Brydon

Quebec in France: towards an understanding of the trans-Atlantic French-Quebec subject ... - 0 views

    This paper examines the events commemorating the 400th anniversary of the founding of Qubec City in 2008 and, in particular, the ways in which the Qubec 400 was celebrated in Western France. The author argues that the events provide an instance of trans-Atlantic subject formation. Through analyzing a series of public events that took place in the La Rochelle region of France in 2008, the author argues that this extra-national raciality was constituted through two specific modes: practices of territoriality that signify a 'cartography of origins' and tropes of family that affirm the racialized dimensions of Qubcois belonging in France.
Bill Brydon

The Muslim imaginary - Social Identities: Journal for the Study of Race, Nation and Cul... - 0 views

    The current 'winds of change' sweeping through North Africa and the Middle East are reminiscent of earlier transformational moments that changed the very political order. As we write this editorial, monumental changes are taking place within Tunisia, Egypt, Yemen, Bahrain and Libya. Indeed, it appears that virtually none of the societies within the region are immune from a new-found 'people power' that demands reformation of the political, economic and social order. The winds of change in the Middle East are long overdue and one must ask the question why they did not sweep though after the collapse of communism in 1989, a time of great political change in many parts of the world including sub-Saharan Africa, that subsequently witnessed the end of apartheid. Why did the 'Third Wave of Democracy' as Samuel Huntington (1991) called it, not sweep the Middle East or North Africa?
Bill Brydon

National Identity and the Informational Welfare State: Turkey and Malaysia Compared - T... - 0 views

    Researchers have found a number of economic, technological, and political factors to be associated with the diffusion of information technology in developing countries. But cultural factors generally, and national identity in particular, have almost never been viewed as consequential. Castells and Himanen's 2002 study of the information society in Finland, in which the authors identify Finnish national culture as an impetus to the development of the country's informational welfare state, is the most prominent exception to this pattern. This article provides a critical overview of Castells and Himanen's research and revises their conceptual framework to focus on the specific choices states make in constructing their national identities and the effects of these choices on information policy and information technology diffusion. It demonstrates the value of this revised framework through a comparison of the historical trajectories of Turkey and Malaysia's nation-building projects, the incentives these projects have created for the two countries' social and political elites, and the public information policies and programs that have resulted.
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