demographically, Israel is shifting further to the right. Far
from shocking Israel into a reality check, the killing of nine
civilians from Turkey, a purported ally, in international waters
generated an outpouring of self-righteousness. Internationally
isolated, Israeli Jews shared the feeling that “the whole world
is against us,” and in a surge of patriotism redoubled their
support for their government. According to a poll conducted a
week after the Gaza flotilla incident, 78 percent of Israeli
Jews backed Netanyahu’s policy. Support from Israel’s fastest-growing
population sectors, the ultra-Orthodox and national-religious
camps, topped 90 percent. The simultaneous news of vast natural
gas finds off the coast only underscored these national-religious
Jews’ sense of divine protection: They had lost one treasure
at sea, gentile approval, and been blessed with another.
More trusting
in God than Obama, Netanyahu’s government is not configured to
sign let alone implement a two-state settlement. For all the
external hopes that Kadima leader Tzipi Livni might join the
ruling coalition, the prospects for a shake-up in Israel’s political
map look at least an election away. Even then, without the emergence
of a new, more left-leaning religious force, possibly led by
the former ultra-Orthodox leader Aryeh Deri, the nationalist
coalition looks set to retain power. Fearful of upsetting his
national-religious base, Netanyahu -- always alert to instances
of Palestinian incitement -- shied away from condemning Rabbi
Ovadia Yosef, spiritual mentor of Shas, the coalition’s fourth
largest party, who on the eve of the Washington parley called
on God to kill Abbas and similarly evil Palestinians. Provided
he retains the confidence of his nationalist camp, domestically
Netanyahu looks secure.