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John West

Week 7: Romney's demographic bind - CNN.com - 0 views

shared by John West on 10 Oct 12 - No Cached
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    This article describes Romney's "demographic bind," which has him falling seriously behind in the non-white vote. The Latino and black electorate, the author describes, have begun the process of making strictly red states (like Georgia) into possibly competitive areas of the country in the future. The author points to the 2008 election, when McCain won a safe majority of America's white vote while Obama won 66% of the Latino vote and a whopping 95% of the black vote, as a signal for two different strategies for Romney. On the one hand, he can and is trying to woo thee Latino vote in states like Nevada and Florida (the RNC had really concrete evidence of this in its choice of speakers). Second, and a little more frightening, he can concentrate his efforts on winning an even greater majority of the white electorate. This is a significant challenge, because it would mean a serious effort at reconciling the generally more socially liberal views of white youth with the social conservatism of the Republican Party's. In the case of immigration reform, embracing a more liberal position would be a win-win for Romney: he could win a greater share of the Latino electorate, among which immigration is a serious concern, and a greater percentage of the younger, more socially liberal white vote that has traditionally voted Democrat. This would almost certainly come with consequences among older and less educated white voters, who would see immigration reform like this as a threat to legitimate control of illegal immigration in the future. Of the two, trying to expand the portion of the white vote seems like the losing option. While the example of immigration reform I mentioned could be a place for compromise, I have trouble seeing how Romney or a future Republican candidate could champion a pro-life and pro-choice stance at the same time, for instance. Rather than focusing on incredibly divisive issues, trying to appeal to the Latino electorate seems like a wiser choice. For Romn
Jonah Schacter

Sanford Jay Rosen: Don't Get Fooled Again: Why Liberals and Progressives Should Vote En... - 3 views

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    This article is about the importance of voting and how voting for a third party candidate or no candidate at all will solve no problems. Just because a candidate does not always persent the best ideas the whole picture has to be viewed. In the case of Obama-Romney many people say that Obama has not had a "good" term and will therefore not vote for him, but my feelings towards that is Romney is not going to do any better and no third party candidate will have a chance to win. The author brings up the point that even if you are in a state that will surely vote one way that you should still cast your vote. Being in California for most of us what is the incentive to vote if we know the state is going blue? I think that in this system with the electoral college it is hard for me to see the point in voting if my vote will not really count that much. Just wondering thoughts on this topic of voting.
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    I agree with what you're saying about the big picture being important in the elections, but I have a problem with what the author says about third party candidates. For me, the big picture means more than just thinking about the 2012 election. From what I can tell, there's always going to be an excuse for giving up on a third party vote and handing it to a mainstream candidate: if it's Romney this year, it's going to be someone different in 2016 and someone else in 2020. If there is ever going to be even the slightest hope for a third party candidate, I feel pretty strongly about people voting for the one they believe in. If someone who believes in what the green party stands for, but votes based on the belief that it has no "chance to win" like you're saying, it becomes self-fulfilling. The author's attitude feels kind of lazy to me, asking anyone liberal-leaning to begrudgingly support a candidate just to keep another one out of office. Even if it's one hundred percent guaranteed that a third party won't win in this election, I'm wondering how anyone expect one to be viable if people don't simply start voting for it.
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    As much as I agree with John's position, I feel that there must be a better way to promote a third party. Not voting and voting for third party candidates gave us Nixon and Bush, and in this close election could give us Romney. Romney's campaign is now trying to convince voters that he is more centrist on many issues including social justice and civil rights issues. I agree with the author that if you care about a woman's right to choose and gay marriage that voting for a third party candidate could give Romney the election and the possibility of him choosing a Supreme Court justice who could change the course of events and threaten civil rights.
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    This article is pretty interesting. I think that the "third-party debate" is an interesting one, and I don't know exactly where I stand on it. On one hand, I really do think that the two-party system and the electoral college, together, hurt the purity of the American democratic policy. On the other hand, in an election like this, I think it would be irresponsible to vote for a third-party candidate as a liberal. Romney could win, and every vote that goes to a green-party candidate is a vote taken away from Obama. It really is a bad situation for voters, but that's just how it is.
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    This is a little unrelated, but I see the best bet at third party happening in America is the formation of a new party for the Tea Party. The Tea Party is very different than the mainstream Republican party. Michelle Bachman is in a whole other universe than Mitt Romney politically. If Mitt Romney loses the election, I really think the Republican party has some serious thinking to do about how they want to shape their party. It is completely unhelpful to the democratic process to have people like Michelle Bachman and Mitt Romney in the same party. Michelle Bachman has basically absurd views, stating things like the number 2 to Hillary Clinton is a member of the Muslim Brotherhood. Mitt Romney is much more reasonable. I don't know how if this will actually happen, but I could definitely see a Tea Party forming as their own party.
Cameron G

The Rich versus Everybody Else in Obama's America - 4 views

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    While I think the ideology behind this article would be hard to debate productively on a forum like Diigo, a conversation about the portrayal of each candidate as a champion of "class warfare" might be a little more fruitful. Class is definitely an issue that any comment, by Romney or by Obama, could incite claims like these. The issue I have with this article is the wordplay it involves: while taking minor quotes from Obama (or just referencing what he's saying) makes him sound like this class-warfare champion, I would be interested to see this author write the same article about Romney. For every spending figure the author cites, I believe a similar one could be drummed up to paint Romney as a villain. The wildly controversial video of Romney, in which he basically divides the country into two halves, those who are dependent and those who are not, strikes me as the very definition of class warfare. If the author wants Obama held accountable for his words, the same can be done with Romney (I don't think it's a coincidence that this article was published shortly after the video leaked). I generally have a problem with using ideology to paint one candidate as hero and another as villain: I would rather take on faith that each candidate truly and honestly thinks his plan will work, and find which one I agree with. The idea that, next month, we will permanently decide the "vision of America" seems like a distraction to me.
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    This article is full of generalizations that are not true. First off, Chris Christie is not some hero that created jobs (http://cityroom.blogs.nytimes.com/2012/09/10/christie-talks-of-a-comeback-but-jobs-data-may-say-otherwise/?ref=christopherjchristie). New Jersey has the fourth highest unemployment rate of any state in the country. His entire "New Jersey Comeback" is essentially not true. A plethora of top scholars have pointed out that New Jersey is in fact not doing that well. In that vain, it is quite telling that Christie didn't once mention the "New Jersey Comeback" in his speech at the convention, because it is frankly just rhetoric. Second off, the claims that this author makes about Democrats are pure generalization based upon ideological rhetoric that doesn't provide for a fruitful debate at all. This statement: "Single women, a major Democrat voting bloc, like the anti-rich message for several reasons. They are more likely to be poor and use government aid. Idealistic young women enjoy feeling kind -- how enjoyable it is to feel virtuous by being generous with other people's money" is offensive. There is no statistical analysis, just a generalization about women. Also, where is this anti-rich message? Not once did the author of the article provide any basis for his idea that Democrats are anti-rich. In fact, Democrats have time and time again clarified that they are not anti-rich; they just want policies that will allow all the chance to succeed and eventually become rich. Another absurd claim the author makes is, "Our minorities who receive preferential treatment in jobs and education are happy to think the system is still unfair fifty years after the Civil Rights movement, and that they deserve more privileges and more money." The system is still unfair! There are m
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    Eli, I understand your concern with details of this article, but the point I was more concerned with is the representation of the upper class in modern America. I tried to get an article I read in Fortune, but it was not online, so this was the best I could do. I do think that the rich are often portrayed as the villains. Why should people be concerned with "spreading the wealth" and not with learning how to get more themselves. It is true that less well off individuals tend to favor the Democrat candidate. I just think that everybody needs to stop accusing the rich and learn from them.
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    I agree with a lot of what John and Eli said, not only because of the inaccuracy of the comments made in this article but also as a liberal "idealistic young [woman]," I didn't know before that I only like Obama because of some misguided desire to be nice to people! Otherwise, Cameron, I think that you are delegitimizing this article further by pointing out that the details are irrelevant. The details are only irrelevant because they are so broad-sweeping and false that they end up outlandish and almost humorous. In actuality, they represent the ignorance that defines this article and the lack of respect for real people in the United States who might not be as privileged as the upper class Americans you also referenced. This is something that I often see as flawed in Republican values, very few poor people have the resources to simply "learn" from the rich and completely pull themselves out of their situations which are exasperated by entire social systems inherently working against them.
Eli Melrod

Week 12: Will Obama Agree to Entitlement Cuts? He Already Has - 1 views

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    This is just a reminder that Obama is not the "champion of liberal values" that many liberals would want him to be. It will be interesting to see how this whole "fiscal cliff" problem ends up, but I doubt anyone will be happy about it.
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    I agree, I think it is tough for Obama because he will get a lot of criticism from his own party for not living up to those liberal values. It is going to be a hard for Obama to figure out a way to work with Republicans while still pleasing the Democrats. I do think though that he will be able to find a balance at some point.
cody s

Want a Better Economy? History Says Vote Democrat! - Forbes - 2 views

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    I think that looking at the historical economical failures and successes of democratic and republican economic policies is a good way to come to a conclusion about which candidate would actually help the economy. The candidates themselves are just spewing rhetoric about tax cuts and the middle class, so this third party analysis of economic growth under Democrats vs. Republicans is really interesting. Check it out.
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    I get what you are saying and agree that this is a good article to look at to see what past parties have done with the economy. If I recall correctly though Professor Potepan said that the president does not have that much power over the economy. Also I do not think this would changed the mind of decided or undecided voters because I think that a lot of average people in the country are going to look at the social issues and where the candidate stands on that subject rather than the economy. This is simply because where someone stands on social issues is a lot easier to understand than issues about the economy.
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    I agree that seeing a third party analysis is really informative, and while I can't trust one to be the final word on "what works," I'll be hunting for more like this. What the author said about the party platform mattering in the past is interesting to me, because the priorities of Democrats and Republicans seem so different to me than they were a few decades ago: in that sense, I'm sort of skeptical about how informative a Democrat vs. Republican comparison of economic growth is. Rather, I'm more interested in the particular plans of Obama and Romney, and which specific terms in US history most closely mirror them. I agree with what Jonah is saying about values being a much easier thing to vote off of because it is such an internal question. I'm interested to see how voters can reconcile these really clear-cut moral questions with the obvious priority of the economy in this election.
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    I am also interested in hearing about the economy in this format, where political allegiances are avoided and a clear analysis of both Romney's and Obama's plans is presented. It is really helpful, especially after the issue summaries where we put a lot of trust into what each candidate says on their website and in speeches. But I disagree Jonah that most voters will simply turn away from economic opinions because they are more complicated to understand. Social issues certainly offer a way for undecided voters to understand the morals and general conservative/liberal ideas of a candidate, but this election seems pretty defined by the economy and few people seem like they would ignore it completely.
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    It is sometimes extremely hard for me to understand the argument for conservative economic philosophies, because while they might seem great paper, have NEVER worked. "Trickle down" economics tend to stagnate the economy, not help it. While I definitely read a lot of liberally biased news sources, I still find that unbiased analysis of economic policy points to liberal policies almost every time. Jonah, if a person is still undecided, I would say they are definitely not going to vote on social issues. If social issues were more important to them than the economy, they would absolutely have already decided who to cast their vote for. It is very clear where the candidates stand on social issues, but is much less clear to the average undecided voter who is "the best candidate to help the economy."
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    It's great to see the economic facts laid out in this way. I read an article earlier written by two economists who quantified the effect of tax increases on the wealthy and found that tax increases had little effect on job growth or the economy. Again, this article proves that "trickle down" economics isn't based on facts. I wonder why it is so compelling. Of course people would rather believe that independent investment would benefit the economy more than government investment. It's part of the American mythology. The only way to bust a myth is with facts like these.
cody s

The Clinton-Rice credibility gap - 2 views

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    This is an article by a conservative columnist, Pat Buchanan, that my dad turned me on to. It addresses the fact that Hillary Clinton and the Obama administration allegedly knew about the attacks in Benghazi for a while and didn't take action. I do think that the administration mishandled it, and I think it's interesting to read the conservative perspective on the attacks. I think this is a direction that Romney's rhetoric is going to take in the coming weeks, especially during the foreign policy debate. I agree with what this writer says about many liberals wanting to absolve Obama and his administration from all blame for anything, especially at this stage in the election, and I think that reading articles from both sides of the argument will help form an objective understanding of the issue.
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    After the evaluating sources assignment, where the three different articles on the Libya attacks presented a confused argument about the Conservative perspective, this article was very refreshing and well-stated. I agree that Clinton and Obama's eventual concession that the attacks were terrorist-related could easily be used to Romney's advantage in a topic area that tends not to be his forte. The shift between the original blame on the offensive video to the Obama administration's current stance is obviously negative, but good for Romney, and the whole situation is certainly unsettling.
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    I think this article frames the lingering questions about the attack well. Based on what Cody is saying (the implications thinking like this has for the President in the upcoming debate), I wonder what the best way would be for Obama to handle it. He's facing an opponent who is simply going to tell him that his Middle East policy is falling apart: we saw it in Ryan's accusation of "unraveling policy" again and again. Like you're saying, Mabel, any shift in the blame for the event looks really bad for Obama at this point, so any mention of the video on his part seems like a mistake to me. Do you guys think he should just own the situation or pretend to have been ignorant? To me, continuing to claim faulty intelligence seems like a winning strategy to me. Painting the terrorist plot as something that came to light after the attack has the advantage of not necessarily being a lie, but not coping to a massive error.
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    I completely agree that there was some sort of intelligence gap in the State Department. Whether or not Obama/Biden knew is open for debate, but I'm not sure that is really important. In reality, both candidates have pretty similar foreign policy stances. I highly doubt the Romney Administration would handle embassy security any differently. We saw it in the VP debate. Biden would challenge Ryan to talk about actual differences in foreign policy and Ryan couldn't really find any. I'm really bothered by this statement, "And lest we forget, we invaded Afghanistan to eradicate al-Qaida after 9/11. Yet today, we read of al-Qaida in the Maghreb, al-Qaida in Iraq, al-Qaida in Pakistan, al-Qaida in the Arabian Peninsula and al-Qaida in Syria. And Ansar Dine, an al-Qaida affiliate, has taken over northern Mali, a slice of land the size of France." This is a huge exaggeration of Al-Qaida's current power. They are doing really poorly, not well. I think that it is just a political tactic to relate America somehow being unsafe to the attack in Libya.
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    Today Hilary Clinton tried to take responsibility for the lack of security in Libya. John and Cody are right about this being the beginning of the Republican attack on Obama's foreign policy. This morning I heard a Romney advisor talking about how little influence and control we have in the middle east in the face of rising terrorism. His examples and questions included many cited in Buchanan's editorial. Buchanan was an early advisor to Nixon and encouraged him to stand against abortion even though it was different than Nixon's original view. It seems like Buchanan is a lot like Carl Rove, finds a weakness and an opening and goes for it.
Jonah Schacter

The Policy Verdict I - NYTimes.com - 4 views

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    The is an article pre vice presidential debate about medicare. It talks about Paul Ryan's medicare a lot in comparison to the current system and Obamacare. I understand each side and there plans for this system. but I think that the problem is the unwillingness to make compromises between parties which is really holding the government back right now. Just wondering thoughts on medicare and the opposing plans.
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    I was pretty surprised to see this author, writing an op-ed for a liberal paper, tear apart Obama's Medicare plan like this. The way he describes it, as a centralized and pretty market-free plan, seems kind of unreasonable to me. The basis of the Romney plan was once popular with Democrats, which is interesting to me. It seems like another place (like Obamacare) where the candidates are trying to draw clear party lines around something that's basically bipartisan. In that way, I agree with you: the lack of compromise is at its worst here, where a middle option is pretty agreeable and has at its core something each candidate is promoting. The way that things are being held back now, like you said, is especially worrying to me with Medicare because it strikes me as kind of time-sensitive.
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    I don't know about this article. I'm in the entitlements group for the issues project, and a lot of what I've seen runs contrary to what he says. Here: http://www.politico.com/news/stories/1012/81900_Page2.html#ixzz28Akgfkta is a study that says Romney's healthcare plan would leave 72 million uninsured, and here: http://www.standard.net/stories/2012/10/11/study-details-obama-romney-health-care-differences is another that says though both of them will raise premiums for seniors by 2020, Romney's will cause a larger raise. The main issue I have with this article is that it presents Romney's medicare plan as a "market-based" alternative to Obama's "centralized healthcare" plan. This is just so far from true. Obama's plan is based on conservative ideology, and it is based heavily on the market keeping prices down in a purified market.
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    While I have not spent a large amount of time deciphering the differences between Obamacare and Romneycare and the receptions of these plans by Democrats and Republicans alike, I had been under the impression that they were very similar, and the articles Cody posted bring up good points about the intersections of the plans. I found this concluding sentence to be rather funny, "the Romney-Ryan approach might work," after lengthily dissecting both plans and ending up in favor of Romney's, the writer does not even feel comfortable making a declarative, positive statement about Romneycare. While obviously no one can say for sure what will happen in the future or how policies will effect individuals, this just demonstrates the lack of solidity in this debate.
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    Yeah, Romney's plan and Obama's plan are still in the phase of theory, because neither has been enacted. I've read economic analysis that supports both; it really comes down to the economist being a liberal or a conservative. I think we can do as much speculation as we want, but the key difference is that Obamacare worked in Massachusetts, while Romney's current plan has never really worked anywhere.
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    I agree with Eli. Although this article gives some specific information about why the market based approach to medicare could be more effective in lowering costs than the political. They're both theoretical. Obama's board of experts have had much of their power taken away by Congress, so it will be very difficult to see how effective it could really be if it were given the right kind of power. The vouchers lowering the cost of medicare drug benefits is encouraging, though hard to imagine how something like that would work with a much more complex medical system.
mabel taylor

New York Times Endorsements Through the Ages - 5 views

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    We have spent a lot of time on this group talking about the bias of particular news-sources, particularly the New York Times. It is interesting to look at more straight-forward endorsements that the paper makes and go back through history to see who else the paper has supported, seeing the first endorsement of Lincoln to their current one for Obama is particularly astounding, considering how often Obama references Lincoln in his speeches. Though most papers try to maintain some bipartisanship, when they do make their political allegiances clear they send a powerful message. I wonder how much influence their endorsements make, especially if they are already a left-leaning or heavily conservative paper and their readership is similarly aligned. But with a paper as widespread and respected as the New York Times, I am sure it has some influence on undecided voters.
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    In the greater scheme of things I do not really know how much impact a newspaper will have by endorsing a candidate, even if it is the New York Times. With the NYTimes most people probably read knowing what kind of content they will be taking in. I just don't think that the vast majority people are going vote for someone because of a newspaper endorsement. Why would a news organization endorse a candidate when the purpose of a news organization is to report the news and give an unbiased report. Sadly that is not true and most news is slanted one way or the other.
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    First of all, this is awesome. I'd like to see one that lines up all of the major outlets that typically make endorsements next to one another. Looking at the row of boxes at the top of graphic is particularly compelling to me: it is a really clear demonstration of "political allegiances" by the New York Times (voting for the Democrat candidate for the past ~50 years), which I suppose shows a consistency in the political thought of the news source over time. It's nice to see them vote for the candidate who they agree with, not for the one who is likely to win as they might be tempted to (they endorsed Mondale, for instance, in the year he lost in 49 states). Seeing all of their endorsements lined up is a pretty clear reminder of the partisan bias that the New York Times represents, like Jonah said. As far as the question of influence goes, I imagine the NYTimes endorsement carrying more weight than most: like you said, Mabel, they have a massive readership, and one that widely (and I believe incorrectly) treats the paper like the unbiased, end-all, definitive source of news.
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    This is an interesting demonstration of media bias. I feel like when an endorsement matters is when a news source breaks with its traditional bias, such as the Economist's endorsement of Obama this time around. I know that that endorsement really affected my opinion, largely because it came from right-leaning magazine. I feel like by being on a 60+ year streak of endorsing Democrats, the NYtimes kind of invalidates its endorsement. It's kind of a bummer to me that a newspaper that I have a lot of respect for seems always to endorse along party lines.
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    I wonder as I look through the changing parties in the endorsements how much it indicates changes in the Democratic and Republican parties and how much it reflects editorial changes. Early on the paper endorsed many Republicans and haven't for many years recently. It was particularly interesting to see how many times they endorsed candidates running against FDR. I would have imagined that the editors of today's paper would have endorsed him during each election.
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    Cody, I don't think it has much to do with "endorsing along party line" as it has to do with the fact that the editors for the NY times tend to be liberal. I don't think they are just like "oh, we'll support the Democrat." I'm sure it has more to do with the policies and beliefs of the candidates and those beliefs and policies that align with the NY Times tend to be Democratic candidates. I also don't mean to be foolish here, but it seems like liberal policies have worked for the most part. Whenever we here about another era in America, it always harkens back to times with bigger government, higher taxes.
Anna Schutte

A New Guide to the Democratic Herd - 7 views

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    This NYTimes article uses data gathered by the Pew Research Center, and the Rothenberg Political report to chart the different factions of the Democratic Party according to their relative influence, motivating issues and standard bearers. It exposes important unifying issues like equity (fairness) and uncovers differences on other matters like immigration and the size of the federal government. It will be interesting to look at the motivating issues of each group and compare them to the issues Obama focuses on in his speeches and which he stays away from. According to this article, the southern democrats, formerly a large powerful group, are shrinking. Is that because they donít agree with other Democratís position on social issues like gay marriage and positions on immigration and the environment that they are concerned affect employment? Itís also interesting to imagine how this information is gathered and how accurate it is.
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    I was struck by the part about Southern Democrats too, because their role as a unit in the party is one I've rarely heard mentioned. This is cool to look at, especially in a class of mostly democrats/liberals, because it outlines important sections of the party that (I'm assuming) most Urban students don't fall into. I think its important to see what groups and specific interests the Obama campaign has to promote (or at least be sensitive to) that fall outside of the "Staunch Liberal" bubble. This sub-party, which defines the issues I immediately think of when I read "democrat," is not only just one side of a big set of interests, but also not that critical to the outcome of the election.
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    The parade of different donkeys efficiently demonstrated the core Democratic voters, ones I am more familiar with, and the offshoots of the party, like the Southern Democrats, who hold an interesting position in that their values only partly line up with Obama's and they are therefore hard to pin down. I thought the connection the video made between the historical impact of the Democrat party and the voters today was great and the size of the animated characters was an easy way to understand the breadth of a group. I also enjoyed that the identifiers for all the different voters, represented through stereotypical markings, like glasses and protest signs, actually did show the diversity of the party. While some voters may slowly be falling out of the Democratic range, the variety of Obama supporters is interesting when thinking about all of the different issues that matter to the voters themselves. It always amazes me that the Obama campaign seems to manage all of the sensitivities and passions of their mass of voters; though that balance definitely seems precarious, when it does work, it's very impressive.
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    It's weird how many of the groups in this are classified as "social conservatives." I feel like living in San Francisco there are a lot of people who support Obama purely because of his positions on abortion and gay marriage. I see a lot of people to whom it seems social issues are pretty much all they think about politically, so its interesting for me to think about people who vote against their personally held social ideology to support their economic interests. Gives some perspective.
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    The "standard bearers" section of this article really stood out to me. Almost all of those politicians described as "standard bearers" spoke at the convention. Because all of these different prominent politicians in different groups all spoke at the Democratic convention, I believe it shows a united party. If there was a similar analysis of the Republican party, I don't think all of their "standard bearers" would be featured in the convention. For example, the Republican party worked hard to keep folks like Ron Paul off the center stage at the convention, even though he has plenty of supper within the Republican party.
John West

Obama Can Say 'Climate' After All | The Nation - 5 views

  • “yes, my plan will continue to reduce the carbon pollution that is heating our planet, because climate change is not a hoax. More droughts and floods and wildfires are not a joke. They are a threat to our children’s future.”
  • Even George W. Bush, for all his resistance to tackling climate change, never made fun of it.
  • president’s own statements, before last night, have not been terribly reassuring either, if only because there have been so few of them.
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  • Obama appears not to have brought up “climate change” publicly a single time in 2012.
  • promised to “be very clear in voicing my belief that we’re going to have to take further steps to deal with climate change in a serious way.”
  • Even as his own government’s scientists were affirming climate change’s connection to the extreme weather events of 2012, the president declined to use his bully pulpit to make the connection clear to the public, much less attempt to rally Americans to action.
  • assumed that talking about climate change turns voters off: it’s too dark, too controversial, too complicated
  • “Three out of four Americans now acknowledge climate disruption is real, and more than two out of three believe we should be doing something about it,
  • In 2008, it looked as though Barack Obama would be the hero to lead such a quest. Now, his speech in Charlotte has raised hopes among some environmentalists that Obama, after an extended absence, may be ready to rejoin the battle
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    This article addresses a point that hit home with me from the Democratic National Convention: Obama brought up climate, but did not champion it in the same style and with the same conviction that he used to. Even while I was struck by his lack of gusto on the subject, the article is surprised that he brought it up at all. This issue has seen barely any coverage at all, with Romney in particular suggesting that even caring about climate change is shallow and ungrounded. He has continued to basically ridicule Obama's (self-proclaimed) devotion to the issue, which is not typical even for mainstream republicans. Obama himself has been almost entirely silent on the issue for the entire campaign (he brought up the term once in 2012). This article makes a really good partner for the first one Eli posted, which dealt with the variety of issues that the radicalization of parties has effectively silenced the debate over. As with the issue of immigration, we see the Republican Party leaning extremely right and making any productive discussion of the issue difficult. If Romney himself treats climate change as a joke and mocks environmentalism as a cause, how can the sides even begin to discuss specific issues of policy? I am honestly really doubtful of Obama's stance as an environmentalist: after the failure of one of his recent cap-and-trade policies, the term "climate change" was entirely avoided in his speech. I remember Dan saying in class that if Obama didn't claim to champion these issues during his presidency, you wouldn't be able to tell by his policy. From this article's description of his rhetoric for the last year, I would say that now he is neither talking the talk nor walking the walk, leaving his affiliation to this cause simply to the fact that he is a Democratic candidate and climate change is a "Democratic issue". To me, there is concrete proof that neither candidate has been taking climate change seriously this election. If both candidates are treating this
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    Climate change is just one of many issues that Obama must discuss in a specific way as to not seem too revolutionary nor liberal (I like how this article mentions that "Democratic politicians have shunned the "L word": liberal"). Every mention has to be well-tailored and as non-controversial as possible as to not offend a sensitive audience, which reminds me of how Obama addresses his views on social issues in front of more conservative audiences, where he either evades the topic at hand, whether it be about abortion or marriage equality, or presents his opinion in a simple and placid way. When discussing climate change, Obama employs a similar attitude, which I personally find maddening, especially since the article mentions that "the public... finally see for themselves... the reality of climate change" and that even if Obama took a more powerful stance on the issue, it would doubtfully make a big impact on his supporters, most of whom are already agree with Obama's alleged opinions. Beyond the very toned-down attitude Obama brings, it's also interesting what he chooses to note when mentioning climate change. Instead of honing in on details, he talks about events of the past few years that vaguely reference major problems and then focuses in on the aspects that could appeal to a broad range of voters, like when he talks about the "threat[s] to our children's future." This also serves to combat Romney's rather ridiculous claim that by focusing on the climate, it is impossible to also care about the American people themselves.
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    I think that Obama has been smart to stay mostly silent on climate change. Yes, it's a big issue, but had he made it a major cause of his campaign he would have been even more vulnerable to depiction by Romney as a head-in-the-clouds kind of guy. During an economic crisis, the voters want the president to be focusing on immediate steps for the good of the American middle class - more jobs, lower taxes, cheaper healthcare. Climate change can and obviously does evoke strong emotion in certain voting blocs, but for the majority of middle-class Americans who are still reeling from the recession, they want their president to be focused on their immediate recovery. I think Obama only brought it up here as a direct response to Romney's challenge - to not address it would make him seem weak in his stance. I also think it's worth noting that in this brief mention, he ties it to the immediate future, to help ward off that daydreamer image that Romney evoked.
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    I recently heard an interview with Michael Lewis who wrote an article for Vanity Fair that involved spending a lot of day to day time with Obama. One of the things he talked about was Obama's view of his ability to use his position as president as a "bully pulpit." Obama told Lewis that his experience had been that he, in particular, was such a lightning rod for negative response, that when he took a position conservative journalists and politicians automatically responded so negatively that it was more useful for him to operate more subtly. I would imagine that he was using his speech at the convention to let voters know that he still wants to do something about climate change, and takes it seriously. Hopefully, he will be in a position to do this when he is not thinking about re-election.
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    I think the way Obama has treated climate change as an economic issue is very compelling. One of the main issues that people have with renewable energy is that isn't currently economically sustainable. I think Obama can work on the issue of climate change with the economy in mind and that is what he is doing. The issue that Obama faces on bringing the climate change issue into the economic realm is the Solyndra investment that the government made under his administration. Obama needs to walk the fine line between championing climate change and doing what's best for the economy.
mabel taylor

Conservative 'Super PACs' Sharpen Their Synchronized Message - 1 views

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    This article talks about conservative Super PACs working to unify their message to keep away from uncomfortable blunders that bring the entire party down, to avoid letting "their message [become] diluted," and to maintain Romney's full-throttle attack when the Governor is not in a position to do so himself. The subtle moves that keep Super PACs legal is demonstrated really well in this article, like how the different groups can talk to each other and follow the "themes being emphasized by Mitt Romney's campaign," but cannot "coordinate with Mr. Romney's strategists," which certainly seems like it would be a challenge, since the Romney campaign keeps switching its focus. One of the most interesting aspects of this article is the reference to the Super PACs making sure that they all use the same numbers and statistics when attacking President Obama. It's crazy that there is so much confusion about what seems like the simplest part of pro-Romney advertising, especially when some groups actually think that connecting Obama with "Rev. Jeremiah A. Wright Jr. and the minister's 'black liberation' theology" is a good idea. The paragraph about how these Super PACs' more cohesive vision will affect Obama's campaign is also really interesting and demonstrates a lot of what seems unfair about large-scale campaign finance issues, since Romney's vision and campaign can literally move beyond him and keep up their work without him or his funds.
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    What you highlighted from this article emphasizes how shady the distinction is between coordinating a message with a candidate and presenting one independently. From what this article says, along with the presentation in class about campaign finance, the difference between these two methods of supporting a campaign seems pretty arbitrary. This is especially true if, like you said, the groups that can't coordinate with Romney can coordinate with one another. This strategy is the part that scares me the most: Super PAC's are trying to avoid "diluting" their message, but they seem to be diluting the messages of the candidates as a collective. The need to present a cohesive message, like you mentioned, seems to explain why a lot of the criticism in these ads is so vague, simply attacking Obama "as a failed leader" rather than highlighting specific policies or mistakes. In a campaign like Romney's, where the key focus is often a bit of a moving target, sticking to general criticism like this seems like a winning tactic. I agree that the engineering of advertisements is unfair, especially given the cause and effect relationship of ad dollars and poll results that the author suggests.
John West

Week 6: Obama and Romney on '60 Minutes': What were the defining moments? - CSMonitor.com - 3 views

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    I have been hearing a lot about the "60 Minutes" appearances by both candidates on Sunday night. This article picks apart the key points that both candidates made in what the author describes as the "pre-debate." While Obama and Romney were interviewed separately, the juxtaposition of their interview was a clear struggle for undecided voters. The author highlights a controversial handling of foreign policy questions by Obama, as well as a pretty spectacular gaffe by Romney, in which he suggests that emergency room care is an effective way to take care of the 50 million uninsured Americans. From what the author says, the interviews were a compelling look at the candidates without their armor. The article includes a link to the video (http://www.cbsnews.com/8301-18560_162-57518495/campaign-2012-obama-vs-romney/?tag=contentMain;contentBody) With a lot of rhetoric from each candidate that we've had to decode in stump speeches and at the conventions, it's nice to see content that is a little more upfront. The opinions the candidates voiced, while they have stirred up critics in either party, strike me as a more honest representation than their own descriptions of themselves. Obama's commentary on the Middle East was complicated for me. While I don't think it was very tactful and clearly on the spot, it seems to coincide with his policy quite well. After the discussion we had in class concerning his drone-strike campaign, the comments he made about Israel as peripheral and our alignment with democracy strike me as more satisfying for more liberal Democrats. I have trouble thinking of the way Romney handled the emergency room question as anything but a mistake. I know very little about healthcare policy, and it's totally clear to me that what he proposes isn't sustainable on any level. From the maintenance of a healthcare system that runs like this to the cost on the individual family, his proposal demonstrates very little thought to me, which might be
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    Very interesting to see Obama's full quotes and partial quotes used out of context to support his position. Romney's answer on health care and emergency room seems to show his lack of economic sense.
Jonah Schacter

Sandy and Chris Christie: Lessons from Hurricane Betsy in 1965. - Slate Magazine - 4 views

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    This article shows that in times of need the federal government can really help states. With hurricane Sandy the majority of New Jersey was destroyed and the republican governor Chris Christie was welcome to the federal aid that was given. If Romney was president at the time of the hurricane he would have left it up to the states to rebuild themselves. Sandy is a clear example of how the federal government is for the benefit of the country its inhabitants. The author also brings up Hurricane Betsy, which took place in 1965 and how the governor of Louisiana (who once thought about seceding from the country) realized how the federal government is a necessity in this country. 
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    The whole Chris Christie response has been fascinating to me during the Sandy aftermath. The way he completely shifted on Obama was really clear on the news clip I saw, where his agressive attack on Obama's ability to lead the country was superimposed with his really profound praise for him during FEMA. I agree with what you're saying about Sandy saying something real about the rhetoric of government spending. It's one thing to criticize government programs like FEMA during a period of calm, and much, much harder when they are being implemented effectively right in front of you. In the end, though, Christie's switch might not have been much of a switch at all. As someone mentioned in class, FEMA is already in large part state run and in large part private. He was likely showing a better understanding of it.
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    This is an interesting article. You could (for fun, not really as a legitimate exercise) expand this as a metaphor for the problem with conservatism: it works for the rich, or the people unaffected by the hurricane, but to the poor and the hurricane-affected liberal philosophy is clearly superior. I wonder how much Sandy and Christie actually helped Obama - I read somewhere that Obama jumped a whole percentage point the day after Christie praised him, though who really can ever explain a poll bounce with any certainty.
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    It is important to keep in mind the difference between FEMA's response to Katrina during the Bush Administration when it was led by someone who had little disaster experience and FEMA's response to Sandy. This article shows that when political rhetoric is dropped, people do want government to help with disasters. It would seem that government organizations during administrations that take government roles seriously are more likely to have strong government services. I guess that might be wishful thinking.
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    I pretty much agree with what all you guys are saying. I think Hurricane Sandy has been a good reminder of the need for government services and problem we have with climate change. Hopefully, people will learn from this horrific storm.
mabel taylor

America's Leftward Tilt? - 4 views

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    This is a really thorough opinion piece about how American politics drift left or right. The mention of how both candidates this election have gained more support whenever they did something left-leaning, like "not until [Obama] began talking like a populist did he begin picking up steam in the polls" and Romney " taking back his promise of tax cuts for the rich and proposing instead to let people choose which tax deductions they wanted to take," is especially interesting and makes the idea that politics are likely to continue to drift rightward even more unsettling. I really enjoy this type of political writing where they talk about how each candidate's win would affect future politics, and this article does it well.
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    This is a really compelling piece: I particularly like the early line that suggests American's want solutions "whether that means a more active or a more passive government." This is how I feel, and sums up what I think is the easiest way to get past polar politics. I hope to see some of this attitude in Obama's second term: now that his hope for re-election can't be trounced, I hope we'll see less gridlock in our political machine. This is a really good article to re-read now that we know the results. The basic premise of the article, however, is confusing to me: I know this author is referring to philosophy a lot, but I always think of America as leaning far to the right on more concrete issues. In healthcare, for instance, we hang on to a free-market solution while most of the industrial world has taken on a universal option. The strength and funding of national defense is another example. I am curious how this more "populist" philosophy will interact with the practical right-ness in the future, like you mention.
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    I think you could just attribute this to a correction for the rightward drift of both candidates. Obama is largely a centrist and Romney has somewhat aligned himself with the radical right, so both of them moving left helps them come back towards the "middle" of their party. I, personally, hope the leftward correction in the Republican party will continue into Obama's second term and, like John says, dissipate some of the gridlock in Congress.
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    The writer of this article actually seems to think that despite the drift to the right that Obama and more particularly Romney and the Republican party were making is not a good idea. He ends the piece suggesting that whichever candidate wins the election must move away from old Reagan era positions. I agree with him.
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    I found this piece fascinating. It seems to me like America is moving rightward fiscally, and leftward socially. I wonder how that will look in the future. I agree with what John said about healthcare and defense spending. I think that kind of backs up my point about our fiscal conservatism. The article doesn't talk too much about social issues, but the country really voted liberally on social issues in this election.
Eli Melrod

Week 7: The South's Enduring Conservativism - 5 views

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    This piece talks about why the South continues to be extremely conservative politically. I've never been to the South and have always wondered what's going on with the political conservative climate, because it seems to me that conservative economic policy actually hurts a lot of regions in the South. These "Room for Debate" pieces on the NY Times are awesome, because they provide a lot of different perspectives. I'd love to hear all your guys take on this: San Franciscans and Atlanta peeps alike.
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    The question the author brings up about "solidarity across race lines" has always been in the back of my mind during elections like this, when poor or working class whites side with fiscal policies that simply aren't designed to benefit them. I'm pretty much on the same page as you, Eli, in that the extremely deep-running religious and class lines that the author uses to characterize Southern voters in general is pretty foreign to me. The idea that the author puts forth in the last paragraph, the bargain of working class Southern voters to remain "'real' whites" in exchange for losing economic clout, is a pretty compelling part of party politics that I wish the author elaborated on a little more. I'm also curious why, based on the religiousness that the author points to as such a large factor, these working class voters don't simply participate as fiscal liberals and social conservatives?
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    I really liked this article, both because of the discussion of Southern demographics, like Eli, I wish I knew more about the political situation in the South, and the introduction to remaining racial lines (I also wish this piece had gone on longer) that go beyond open prejudice or discrimination but can be observed in voting patterns and political allegiances. I think the power of tradition here is fascinating and I'd be interested to understand specifically what is sacrificed to remain within this balance of "morality, class and race" or how they play out beyond the South somewhere like San Francisco.
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    I think this article brings up important ideas. I'd like to know more about how affluent whites used whiteness in the 1940s to align lower class and middle class whites with their political views. I do know that cities like Atlanta have had famous black mayors who shared religious beliefs and economic goals with both black and white voters. It is definitely something I would like to know more about.
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    Great post Eli. I think this article makes many valid points because in the south, the conservative history is very apparent. Being from Georgia especially during election, President Obama is not widely respected and people often criticize his policies harshly. I hate to say it but I do believe that racist southern ideals are partially the reason for some of the unpopularity of Obama in the south. Relating to the conservative tendencies in southern states, I believe the reason the south has remained predominantly right sided is because tradition is such a big part of southern culture, and with southern tradition comes conservative values.
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    For me this brings up evidence to support people not being able to move past their moral compass even if it means progress in their socioeconomic outlook and progress in the nation. It makes sense to stay true to their self, but it is not justifiable to hurt yourself and your nation by preventing forward progress. In theory it makes sense to try and change their minds, but it is a lot easier said than done and would take a great amount of time and we have to be patient about it.
Eli Melrod

Week 8:The Self-Destruction of the 1 Percent - 5 views

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    I get so worked up when super-wealthy people act like they are somehow being persecuted when the Democrats asked them to "pay their fair share." I think this op-ed piece does a great job of explaining the frustration with the current socioeconomic divide. The author writes that "It is no accident that in America today the gap between the very rich and everyone else is wider than at any time since the Gilded Age." Although we can sit around and pretend that people "need to learn" from the rich. In reality, a of government policies are making it much harder to go from poor to rich, or even middle class. As the author describes the holes in the current American system, "Exhibit A is the bipartisan, $700 billion rescue of Wall Street in 2008. Exhibit B is the crony recovery. The economists Emmanuel Saez and Thomas Piketty found that 93 percent of the income gains from the 2009-10 recovery went to the top 1 percent of taxpayers. The top 0.01 percent captured 37 percent of these additional earnings, gaining an average of $4.2 million per household." This article doesn't blame Romney or Obama, it just explains why people are starting to have problems with the idea of the "1%." I personally don't think the outcry is against the actual members of the 1%, but rather agains the policies that it make socioeconomic inequality greater.
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    I think there are some reasonable points to this claim, but has anyone ever considered that the reason the divide is growing is that maybe some middle class people are rising up the economic ladder. The number of millionaires in the United States is the highest it has ever been, so why is this bad. The statistic of the growing gap can be twisted so that it appears that the policies are bad, when in reality they could have some positive qualities. Aren't policies that allow for people to move up in the world good?
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    The number of millionaires may be the highest in history, but the percentage of Americans below the poverty line is 15%; the percentage of Americans that don't have a secure food source is 11%. So, great we have more millionaires, but also a lot more people that are in poverty or don't have enough food to eat on a consistent basis. If we were to tax the rich a higher rate, we coud have a system that lets fewer people slip through the cracks. Like this article mentions, rich people's kids go to private school and get first rate educations, while poor kids go to public schools with smaller and smaller budgets every year; this cycle stagnates social mobility. The rich get educated and get good jobs, while the poor go to failing public schools and receive second rate educations and are stuck in second rate jobs. In California, we have a proposition on the ballot that would raise the income tax on people making over $250,000 a year to provide more money for education. That kind of tax policy makes a lot of sense to me, if we look at the cycle of social immobility caused by education that I previously mentioned. I personally care much more about how many people are in poverty than how many millionaires we have.
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    here's another article that isn't an op-ed piece about the overall economic impact of income inequality: http://www.nytimes.com/2012/10/17/business/economy/income-inequality-may-take-toll-on-growth.html?ref=global-home This makes the income inequality situation not just a problem of more poverty, but also an overall economic problem. "The concentration of income in the hands of the rich might not just mean a more unequal society, economists believe. It might mean less stable economic expansions and sluggish growth."
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    I agree with both of you in the sense that more millionaires would be a positive thing for the US, if they didn't correlate with a greater number of people in poverty. The millionaire statistic, without looking at what it means on the other end of the spectrum, is misleading. Cameron, I think your point about more middle class "climbing the ladder" sounds reasonable, but simply doesn't seem to be the way things play out in the US. The growing numbers of those in poverty that Eli mentions is meaningful alongside the millionaire numbers because it suggests cause and effect. Eli, I think the non-op-ed piece you posted above makes a really good companion to the original article. It demonstrates the "extractive" capitalism of the Venice article in really clear terms.
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    I agree that it is hard to appreciate the economic reality of the US without recognizing both the minority of the extremely wealthy and the growing number of people living in poverty. Only looking at one demographic paints an inaccurate portrait of the American people and economy; when we only talk about millionaires, policies will be made around the assumption that government-sanctioned aid and support is unnecessary or even unrealistic, when we only talk about lower-class people, solving large-scale socioeconomic issues is inherently difficult and going off of liberal taxation viewpoints, diminishing the economic divide is puzzling. Your point, Eli, about the systematic nature of these problems is really poignant and I whole-heartedly agree. I also think the distinction you make about how great poverty is not only a problem for poor people is vastly important to comprehend.
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    It is funny to think that the rich would not just accept paying higher income tax. There are some in the top one percent like Warren Buffet or Bill Gates that are willing to pay the higher tax. To me if you were rich what difference does it make to pay more, you already have so much money. I think a bigger problem could actually come from the 99% in the fact that it is up to the individual to take opportunities that come to them or they find to get ahead in life. I know people that have been looking for jobs, but not putting the effort in to actually get one, then they go complain about all of these issues brought up in the article when they are their own problem.
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    I think that what Mr. Potepan said in the talk really applies here. The idea is that when money is mobile, the economy is flourishing, but once the money gets locked up in the super-rich's bank accounts it doesn't help anyone because it's not being invested. It's always interesting to see historical examples of theories like these, and the thing about Venice seems like it illustrates Mr. Potepan's point well.
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    I agree with Cody that the point of the article is that successful states are those that give everyone access to economic opportunity and that inclusiveness as opposed to exclusiveness makes for a more prosperous country. The "book of gold" is a powerful image for the special access and privilege the elite had in Venice that continues today in access to better education tax breaks, etc. That access is something people don't want to give up. The African-American president at Brown who didn't want to give up legacy at admissions, since she had a granddaughter shows how once you have privilege, you don't want to let it go.
mabel taylor

Which Millionaire Are You Voting For? / Spoiler Alert! G.O.P. Fighting Libertarian's Sp... - 2 views

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    http://www.nytimes.com/2012/10/15/us/politics/gary-johnson-the-libertarian-partys-presidential-nominee-worries-republicans.html?pagewanted=all I read these two articles in tandem and was really interested by the intersections and the role that finances play in American politics and the two-party system. Gary Johnson is a really interesting politician and I sometimes consider him a liberal libertarian. I can't see myself ever voting for him, but I think he offers a unique perspective. The idea that he could be a Ralph Nader "to Mr. Romney's Gore" is interesting, though unlikely considering Johnson's radical views. Furthermore, the idea that Democrats are supporting Johnson is pretty unfounded. The paragraphs about Johnson's limited finances and management of his campaign are especially telling after reading this op-ed piece, which details the way virtually every politician (both now and in early American history) comes from a white-collar background and how that creates these blocks in terms of understanding their constituents and making learned decisions. Two lines that I especially enjoy comparing are: "Would you like to be represented by a millionaire lawyer or a millionaire businessmen?" and "Mr. Johnson said he had no problem being labeled a potential spoiler in an election that he views as "a debate between Coke and Pepsi." (He said he viewed himself as Perrier.)" Trying to understand why there are not more blue-collar politicians around is certainly difficult ("Scholars haven't yet confirmed exactly what that is. (Campaign money? Free time? Party gatekeepers?)"), but as this article notes, determining why we are in the current situation is vastly important. The ending analogy, about the rise of female politicians since the '40s is helpful in demonstrat
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    I'm glad you posted this. I think Gary Johnson is pretty fascinating guy, and he makes me kind of hopeful about fringe candidates in future elections. He seems to have gained some serious traction, and while there is no chance of him winning the election, the fact that Republicans are so stressed out about his presence in the race is a really promising sign to me of him being taken seriously. You mentioned the idea of Democrats voting for him being unfounded: from what I can tell, the article suggests that centrist youth would respond to the anti-war and legalization part of his platform, which makes sense to me. The line you bring up (millionaire lawyer vs. millionaire businessman) is a really interesting part of the dynamics of this race to me. When people talk about how disconnected Romney is because of his income, I can't help but think of Obama as being in the same boat (especially relative to blue-collar candidates like Johnson). While Romney is certainly mega-wealthy, Obama is definitely not middle class himself.
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    Gary Johnson definitely seems like an interesting guy, and I'm all for the unravelling of the two-party system. I don't think I agree with a lot of his ideas, especially his economic policies, but I think any article written about a non-Romney/Obama candidate is a good thing. The Romney/Obama choice is a limited one, and people should obviously be able to pick a candidate who represents their beliefs, not just one who is affiliated with their party or who comes closest.
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    Articles like these always trouble me. How will this ever change? It is unlikely that it ever will. When we are adults, we will still probably have a two party system with most political candidates being wealthy. I think one of the issues we have in America is the small spectrum on the political scale that the two parties represent. While Democrats and Republicans have their differences, they are still philosophically the same when it comes to what the government should basically do. In other countries, they have more radical thought like liberterians and socialists.
John West

Karl Rove: He's Back, Big Time - Businessweek - 4 views

  • Wynn’s preference for anonymity in such transactions posed no obstacle. That’s the whole idea behind Crossroads GPS.
  • unlimited, undisclosed contributions from industrialists, financiers, and other loaded insiders
  • To maintain its supporters’ anonymity, a social welfare group like GPS must not have a “primary purpose” of a political nature, and it cannot coordinate strategy with candidates.
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  • The Democrat turned down public money, revealed himself to be a fundraising dervish, and outspent his opponent by nearly two-to-one.
  • the Crossroads-led offensive is collectively poised to spend more than $1 billion on the 2012 elections, according to Republican operatives. That’s roughly twice—repeat: twice—what Democrats expect to spend by means of their super PACs and social welfare groups.
  • unlimited-outside-money boom
  • some on the right “decided to create an enduring entity as a counterbalance.” Those entities are the Crossroads groups.
  • Rove pitched his proposed startup as a more professional alternative, one built to have impact in 2010 but endure long beyond. “The business model of a consultant-driven, vendor-directed entity that hired itself increasingly lacked credibility with donors and was unsustainable,” Rove explains.
  • “Conservative activists tend to act like six-year-olds on soccer teams,” he explains, “with everyone grouping around the ball and getting in each other’s way. Karl’s idea was that all of these organizations should share information, coordinate polling, reduce redundancy.”
  • many of those who are squealing the loudest now [about Crossroads] are the same people who were mute when groups on the left were pioneering the use of 527s and 501(c)(4)s. … Liberals cheered then but are now quick to try and stop conservatives from using the techniques they used in the past.
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    I was really interested by the section of the Conrad reading that dealt with campaign funding. This article details Karl Rove, one of the biggest names in political finance who has masterminded the Republican switch from "hard" (personal donations) to "soft" ("social welfare") funding. Many think of him as the man who kept Bush Jr. afloat for two terms, and now Romney has him in charge of funneling donations from massively wealthy, anonymous Republicans into a "social welfare organization" (to be spent on anti-Obama ads). Groups likes these on either side are part of what Rove refers to as the "unlimited-outside-money boom." While Republicans are not the only guilty party, I find it really disturbing that groups like American Crossroads and Crossroads GPS can be legally separate from the Romney campaign itself. This loophole encourages aggressive ads and a totally out-of-control budget - more than a billion dollars - during the campaigning. The advertising machine developed by the Romney campaign has twice the budget of Obama's: if he can't keep up, how could any less mainstream candidate even hope to? This article makes a really strong case for limiting spending. Rove makes a point about keeping the parties themselves stronger, but it was not enough to sell the idea to me. The grimmest part is the story of one-upping Rove gives: he created Crossroads as a response to Obama's doubling of the Republican budget in the last race, pointing out that this cycle could continue.
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    One of the ideas that stuck with me the most after reading this article about an issue that is certainly controversial, but somewhat unavoidable, was the quote you also brought up, which is that Karl Rove is invested in "[solidifying] Republican control in Washington, not subvert[ing] the party system." This paradox is really fascinating and seems masked by subtlety. By strengthening and giving great power to the Republican party, both in Congress and through the President, I would assume that the party system would be thoroughly changed. Even though a Democrat could run for the next term, if Rove is right in saying that this new way of campaign financing and organizing is cyclical, it seems like "Republican control in Washington" could turn into a more lasting situation. But because this article addressed the growing Democratic campaign financing world, which I have always struggled to learn more about, it is difficult to say if the growth of Republican resources would really change anything. If Democrats soon catch up in terms of their financial abilities and "receive unlimited, undisclosed contributions from industrialists, financiers, and other loaded insiders," then wouldn't it just elevate the scale of presidential campaigning, and the classic dynamics of the race would remain the same?
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    This article's description of Karl Rove's 501c4, which is supposed to be a non-profit, social welfare agency sharing offices with his 527 super-pac is very disturbing. It seems that it should be breaking some law that they share executives, employees, consultants, etc. The definition of "social welfare" in politics is a very slippery idea. So much has been made of the Supreme Court's Citizen's United decision's effect on the Repulblican's ability to raise huge amounts of money, I had no idea that the Democrats had been doing the same thing for a long time. The article refers to a book by Brendan Doherty, The Rise of the President's Permanent Campaign. The title itself exposes a sad truth about our political system. It never seems to end. It is wrong that all this money floods into "social welfare" agencies to research and pay for endless political ads when there is so much real work to be done to help real people. I can't help but wonder whether we can consider a system like France where politicians can only campaign for a short period of time or whether we should have a law that a president can only serve one six year term. He can then work on his agenda instead of always thinking about the next election.
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    I found this really interesting, especially being in the campaign finance small group for the presentation. The article does a good job describing the confusing nuances of 501s and 527s (superpacs and social welfare groups), but what I found the most interesting was the discussion of Obama's vilification of the Citizens United decision. The decision definitely hurt the Democratic party and gave the Republicans an advantage in the world of campaign finance, and this article seems to accuse Obama of deliberately misrepresenting the decision to make it seem worse than it was.
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    The part that stuck out to me in this article was when Rove tried to act as if unions and corporations should have the same rights. Unions represent large groups of people working for companies (i.e. the United Auto Workers). The people in these unions are generally blue-collar, working class people. Corporations on the other hand are all about making money. To me, it seems much more fair for unions to be able to run politically driven ads than corporations, but I'm not sure how that would work legally.
mabel taylor

One for All and All for One - 5 views

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    This article stood out to me since it discusses a topic that I often find myself drawn to, which is the appropriateness of identity politics and how they affect not only Democrats, but politics more broadly. While this is a rather brief overview of a large issue, it efficiently mentions where the legacy of identity politics has its roots and how the Democratic focus on minorities has been successful in creating policies that strive for more equality. The article then goes on to discuss how identity politics can alienate key voters who are supporters of the party, but find themselves "excluded from" the focus on topics and issues they, as generally white and older citizens, cannot relate to. Though identity politics began as a way to bring in a more diverse audience of supporters and voters who were often left marginalized by other parties and politicians, the Democrats can easily make their campaigns and policies too specific and exclusive, leaving those not affected by more common forms of prejudice forgotten. I like that this article finishes with the idea that shifting the Democratic focus from tailored appeals to minorities to broader campaigns about unity would avoid the problem Democrats face, but I find it hard to imagine Democrats giving up a type of campaigning that their Republican rivals really struggle with when it gives them such an advantage, even with the alleged cost of forgotten white voters.
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    I think the efforts by both Obama and Romney to focus on minorities and identity groups is as much about tapping into wider voting groups as it is about creating equal policy (Jeb's comment about widening the appeal). I agree with you, though, that the Obama approach to identity politics is probably here to stay and worth the sacrifices he has to make in terms of old white voters. This is one of the ways, at least it seems to me, that "conventional" Democrats are not going to be all that important in deciding the election this year. This article reminds me of that infographic Anna posted: not only are some of the concerns of these smaller sections of the party outside of the bubble of typical Democrat issues, some of them actually contradict these views.
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    According to Joe Klein, Obama and the democratic party have focused so much in supporting the minority groups that they have ignored the needs of white middle class voters. It's interesting to think about how this actually excludes a huge portion of the country. I wonder specifically which white voters Klein is referring to. Watching the crowd at the Democratic Convention I was struck by the diversity of the group. It seemed to reflect the US much more than the white crowd at the Republican Convention. There seemed to be many white, democratic delegates. Were these delegates from coastal states? Were they from cities? Did the majority of them connect to groups like women's rights, LGBT rights and other identity groups? I am concerned that the democrat's position on social issues could upset middle class voters who share other values with the democrats. However, I cannot imagine supporting issues of social justice and not highlighting them. They are just too important.
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    This article brings up an interesting division in the Democratic party between white, middle class voters and the various minority groups. It's odd to think that a white construction worker in Texas or California, though he would probably agree with the Democratic party's stance on unions and worker rights, minimum wages, universal health care, etc, would probably be alienated by the party's stance on immigration. Ultimately, though, I feel like the democrats are right to court minority voters - every day, more old white men die and more minority voters become voting age. That is the direction that the country is heading, and I'm sure that if the Dems are consciously choosing minority voters over a more traditional voter base they're doing so with good reason.
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    While I was reading this article, something about it didn't resonate with me. This is the line that really threw me off, "But if I'm a plain old white insurance salesman, I look at the Democratic Party and say, What's in it for me?" Well, for this salesman what's in it for him is a more fair tax code, a medicare system that will guarantee him health care longer into his life, the list goes on. I don't see how "identity politics" are hurting the Democratic Party, because there are so many issues in politics. I really don't believe the equal rights stance of the Democratic Party would alienate middle-class white men, because the Republican Party's economic policy will hurt these middle class men more. Now, all of my views on this issue are completely biased by my liberal politics, but I just disagreed with what this article was trying to get at.
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    Interesting article and a great discussion. Identity does impact political leanings, and middle class white men more often vote Republican. I agree that it seems like the Democrats would have a lot to offer the "plain old white insurance salesman," but working class white guys don't seem to see it that way. If only women voted in this country, Republicans would not have a chance. Indeed, you can say the same about Latinos, Jews, African-Americans, immigrants, the poor ... And Republicans have their base groups as well -- white men, evangelical Christians, rural voters and those in the ex-urbs, etc. It turns out that how you vote is enormously impacted by citizenship status, race, ethnicity, class, gender, etc.
Eli Melrod

We Need a 'Conservative' Party - 6 views

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    I found this op-ed piece interesting, because I think it gets at the underlying problem with the current Republican party: there is no room for middle ground, because nowadays that means weakness. Although a centrist to philosophy to all problems does not work, I thought Friedman painted a nice picture of why little gets done in Washington due to the stark contrasts between the two parties. Basically, radicalization of the Republican party is one of the biggest problems with the current political situation.
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    I really liked this piece. The terrifying part to me (the author points this out really well) isn't just how little gets done, but how little gets talked about. The list of three other massive issues - more demanding and globalized jobs, energy crisis, and immigration - can hardly be brought up with the radicalization of the parties you mentioned. The reason this election is "about" jobs and the economy is that it is the only issue the parties can agree to disagree about constructively. Any one of the others, I think, would become about ideology and not about reaching a sensible compromise.
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    This article, to me, really does address the main obstacle to becoming a united nation, which is radicals on either side of the political spectrum, but particularly conservatives. As a conservative myself, I find that often times I am frustrated by how stubborn or radical the leaders of the Republicans can be and this article makes an excellent point as to how that is affecting our nation. What our leaders need to understand is that they are never going to fully get their way, but instead they need to learn to compromise. Otherwise, nothing will get done. I agree with John that all of the other important issues need to be addressed, but they can't because of the radical ideals of a few powerful people.
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    This editorial, along with John's article, show how important it is for the Republicans to become less radical. John's article shows that Karl Rove is actually already trying to do this by supporting more traditionally, conservative politicians and publicly taking more moderate stances. However, Romney and most of the Republican ads continue to cater to the radical right and their "no new taxes" and anti government positions. I wonder what would happen if Romney actually took the more moderate positions of Ronald Reagan and George H. W. Bush. Would he lose the Republican base? I also found Murdoch's observation about immigrants being "natural Republicans" very interesting. Is this because they he imagines they have more conservative social opinions?
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    This one really echoes a lot of what I've been hearing about the republican party. It seems like the tea-partiers have gotten big enough that the Republicans are shifting to the right so as to avoid a tea party candidate cropping up and splitting the vote (I read that somewhere, don't remember where). This issue really just reinforces, for me at least, the problems with the two-party system. Instead of having three parties, two for sane people and one for the tea partiers, the republicans have found themselves in a situation where they're straddling the widening chasm between moderates and radicals, and it seems to me like they've chosen the radical side as their base.
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    I found this article interesting because it addresses the problems with both parties concerning national debt. I really enjoyed how the article poked fun at the election, saying " we celebrate the fact that it might include a serious debate about one of the four great issues of the day, though even that is not clear yet". After reading this article, I am beginning to think more of a conservative approach is needed to fix the issue in America concerning debt. Although in the past conservative presidents(George Bush Sr., Reagan) have used tax revenue and budget cuts to fix debt, I do not think it is out of reach for President Obama to fix debt issues in another 4 years if he takes a more "right-winged" approach. I do believe the job of fixing national debt is not the job for a radical member of the G.O.P or a very strong liberal, but for the best candidate who can make the most people happy while doing what is best for the country with a strong approach.
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