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Arabica Robusta

Licence to probe: World Bank trains its sights on corruption crackdown « Pipe... - 0 views

Arabica Robusta

t r u t h o u t | A Humanitarian Disaster in the Making Along the Chad-Cameroon Oil Pip... - 0 views

  • Despite receiving minimal “transit revenues” from Chad’s oil, the pipeline’s social and environmental impacts are just a harsh for Cameroonians living along the pipeline route. 248 villages are directly impacted by the pipe and dozens more by roads, operations centers, and employee living bases all built expressly for the project. Unlike in neighboring Chad, no oil revenues have been set aside for development spending in the affected villages. The Cameroonian government claims it only receives $25 million per year and some of that money returns to impacted villages via increased social spending in the national budget. But the truth is no one knows where the $25 million is spent (or if that’s the true amount) and there is no accountability for the use of the revenues.
  • Mongotsoe Akam is a quiet and awkward grandfather living in the small village of Ebaka in Cameroon’s East Province. He has been a farmer his whole life and seems content to continue living the traditional village life. During the pipeline’s construction, multiple subcontractors of the oil consortium were constantly buzzing around his home and farm. They were looking for laterite, a type of rock used to surface the unpaved roads the consortium built to transport materials and heavy machinery. Mr. Mongotsoe showed them the exact location of his laterite and negotiated a price for its extraction. Not only was he never paid for the use of his laterite, but he also was never compensated for the $50,000 worth of crops that were bulldozed to access the quarry.
  • The Chief of Dompta signed a contract with Exxon for the construction of a health clinic as “community compensation.” When the health clinic wasn’t built, he wrote to the oil consortium demanding they follow through on their written agreement. One of Exxon’s directors cordially replied that the health center would be built and the village could use health clinics in neighboring villages until then. Dompta’s chief died in 2007 and was replaced by his son as tradition requires. The new Dompta chief claims Exxon built a health center in Dompla (notice the difference in spelling), a village about 30 kilometers away and even proudly posted a sign that read “Dompta Health Clinic.” We will never know if this is a cruel joke or corporate idiocy because no one from the oil consortium has yet to comment on the issue. For the people of Dompta, it doesn’t really matter.
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  • The World Bank’s public sector lending arms (the IDA and IBRD) announced their withdrawal from the project in 2008 stating “Chad failed to comply with key requirements” of their participation, though the World Bank’s private sector lending arm (the IFC) had no problem staying on board to reap the benefits of its $200 million commercial loan.
  • Exxon and the project planners claimed that compensations would be paid to displaced people, but that “self resettlement” would take place naturally whereby villagers would find/purchase new land for farming from a “village land pool.” A recent Chadian report notes that this has not happened; many farmers have not found land or enough land. Agricultural production is continually declining and will ultimately penalize the entire country.
  • Villagers often live precariously close to oil wells which turn round the clock. Increased banditry in the zone led the former governor of the Logone Oriental Province to instruct local police to “arrest or shoot on sight” anyone circulating through the zone after 6 pm. Now people living in the zone are literally surrounded by oil infrastructure and prisoners in their own homes. Almost every facet of their lives is governed by Exxon, the de facto local government.
  • On October 11 of this year, Keiro discovered an oil spill while returning home from his farm. He alerted Exxon employees who immediately cordoned off the area and “cleaned” it up before any outside observers could see the damage. The oil spill ruined Keiro’s fallow land, and so they decided to compensate him with a special gift: an empty Esso (Exxon’s operator) backpack. This was allegedly the fifth oil spill related to the project, yet was not reported by a single media outlet in or outside of Chad. If a journalist from the Associated Press made just one phone call to Exxon in Houston, Keiro likely would receive thousands of dollars of compensation within a week.
  • As for the 5% of oil revenues promised to residents of the oil-producing zone -- it’s all being spent on so-called “Presidential Projects.” These are high-profile large infrastructure projects that Deby has gifted to the regional capital of Doba, more than a thirty-minute drive from the villages hit hardest by oil production. These projects, which include an already crumbling football stadium, are intended to win support for Deby’s party in the 2010 local elections and 2011 presidential election
  • The greatest impact of oil in Chad has been felt not by the caged-in villages of the Doba Basin, but rather in the North and East of country where hundreds of millions of dollars of oil money has been used to purchase weapons for a war that has killed thousands and displaced hundreds of thousands
  • ” In September, 2009 the oil consortium finally offered to settle with Mongotsoe for a mere $600. When the old man refused, an Exxon employee told two Cameroonian NGOs that Mongotsoe was trying to swindle the company since he knows they have tons of money.
  • . Traditional Kribians wake up around 5 am and ready their wooden canoes for the day’s fishing expedition. As each day passes, they paddle farther and farther to catch fewer and fewer fish. That’s because one of the principal fishing reefs was dynamited to make way for the Chad-Cameroon pipeline, which is buried under 11 kilometers of seabed.
  • The World Bank asked the government of Cameroon and Exxon to jointly publish an official “Oil Spill Response Plan” before the project became operational in 2003. The plan was “inaugurated” at Yaounde’s ritzy Hilton Hotel on November 3rd, 2009. A member of a prominent Cameroonian NGO which has been monitoring the project was barred from the event because “he didn’t have accreditation.”
  • The ultimate goal of international campaigning is to “leave African oil in the soil” and build stronger governance beforehand since the extractive industries almost never contribute to development. However, powerful interests are making that objective difficult. Thus the fight will for now be concentrated on policy improvements.
Arabica Robusta

multi_page.pdf (application/pdf Object) - 0 views

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    Contains detailed overview.
Arabica Robusta

The IFC's lessons of experience & the Chad-Cameroon oil and pipeline project (Bretton W... - 0 views

  • the ECMG committed a serious error in August 2004 when it provided the project with a certificate of compliance, certifying that the project had adhered to the environmental management plan. According to the ECMG, it had only found one level 3 non-compliance (the most serious non-compliance) which concerned the failure to protect archaeological sites, an area often considered to be of minor importance in the context of poor African countries.
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    Critique of ECMG monitoring efficacy.
Arabica Robusta

The World Bank's conflicted role in energy (Bretton Woods Project) - 0 views

  • US Treasury quietly released a guidance note for multilateral development banks (MDBs) on developing countries and coal-fired power generation. The guidance emphasises that MDBs should build demand for no- or low-carbon energy sources. It also provides step-by-step procedures it wants MDBs to follow in order to ensure full consideration of no- or low-carbon options before approving fossil fuel power generation or retrofit projects. However nine executive directors (EDs), representing a number of middle- and low-income countries, have sent an angry letter to World Bank president Robert Zoellick, protesting against the US trying to use its influence as the Bank's biggest shareholder to direct Bank operations.
  • Stephen Kretzmann of NGO Oil Change International says, "this letter is a defence of multilateralism and UN authority, and an attack on US unilateralism. It appears to be a reaction to the process at Copenhagen and the US insistence on the centrality of the Bank."
  • Raman Mehta from ActionAid India, adds that “the developing countries are not asking for the right to pollute. They are defending their right to access energy. If the US wishes to accelerate the deployment of clean energy in developing countries, let it also pay its fair share of the incremental costs of moving away from coal.”
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  • If America was really concerned about impacts on climate change, they should be regulating the coal industry in the US and should have committed to a fair, ambitious and binding deal at Copenhagen. They failed to do that."
  • Meanwhile the Bank’s climate investment funds have begun paying out money. Recent disbursements from the Clean Technology Fund (CTF) have included $500 million to new renewable and energy efficiency in South Africa and $750 million to fund five concentrated solar power (CSP) programmes in Algeria, Egypt, Jordan, Morocco and Tunisia.
Arabica Robusta

allAfrica.com: Chad: Is Anyone Serious about Ending the Political Crisis? (Page 1 of 4) - 0 views

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    Why is "oil" only mentioned once in this article, and simply in reference to growing oil revenues. Has the "critical contribution" of petroleum to Chad's future been erased from history so quickly?
Arabica Robusta

Chad - World Bank Statement on Chad-Cameroon Pipeline - 0 views

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    World Bank ends a "satisfactory" project because it has proved unworkable in providing for welfare of Chadian people.
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